(MENAFN- AzerNews) By Huseyn Sultanli
Ever since the First Karabakh War and the occupation of itsterritories, Azerbaijan has faced the challenge of integratingitself into an international community that was not always swift toreiterate its support for the country's territorial integrity the existence of numerous UN Security Council resolutionscalling for the withdrawal of occupying forces and the generalrighteousness of the country's position in terms of internationallaw, it was unclear whether Western leaders were willing to showunequivocal support for the restoration of sovereignty.
After all, the current world order was established with theunderlying objective of preventing armed conflicts at a large scalefrom occurring again. This was prioritised given the unimaginablelevels of human suffering experienced in the two World Wars of the20th century. However, this desire to adhere to international legalnorms and especially ensure the refrainment from the use of forcefor the pursuit of territorial gains, was not adequately applied inAzerbaijan's case.
Moreover, there are serious doubts about the impartiality of theEuropean Union and United States as potential mediators to theAzerbaijani-Armenian confrontation. Several high-profile EUofficials and even leaders of the most influential member stateshave demonstrated a hostile approach to the country, explainingAzerbaijan's unwillingness to allow an issue as crucial to itssovereignty and long-term prosperity as the peace deal to bemanaged and influenced by interests considered external to theregion. Over the years, this has become an integral reason behindthe highly flexible foreign policy approach pursued by PresidentAliyev. Integration and partnership with Europe were always seen asa positive, especially given the immediate socio-economic benefitsthat this brings for the country's development.
Nevertheless, it was always made clear that this integrationinto the Western centric 'international community' would not besomething pursued at 'any cost'. As a country that felt let down bythe ability of international cooperation mechanisms to punishmilitary violence, Azerbaijan has always been swift to develop aforeign policy that is multi-faceted and based on unequivocalrespect for its own interests and a recognition of its sovereigntyand territorial integrity.
A multi-faceted foreign policy
Despite a broad and multi-layered policy of economic cooperationwith the 'West', the personality of Azerbaijani foreign policypossesses a distinct uniqueness to it. This is partly a consequenceof the nature of the country's strategic position, described bymany as being at the crossroads of Europe and Asia and borderingsome of the region's most influential powers. Crucially, though,the country's foreign policy apparatus has been directed atmaximizing the potential for cooperation within more than just oneestablished 'framework' or direction. Increasingly, Azerbaijan isnot only becoming more participative in tackling highly pressingissues but also becoming a reference point for countries that arenot traditionally considered to be a part of the 'Western' system country's chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement between2019-2023, an organisation that unites 120 countries across fourdifferent continents, is the clearest indicator of this. Hence, inthe below analysis, we will focus on the different foreign policydirections in which Azerbaijan has worked to solidify its status ofan increasingly influential state. Crucially, there is a deliberateemphasis on frameworks that deviate from a Western presence. Thisway, states can ensure that solutions to often understated problemsthat they are most affected by can be addressed in a way that suitsthe immediate and long-term interests of their populations.
This analysis will consider examples from three key issuesareas: climate change, the battle against the remaining influenceof colonialism and the on-going influence of post-colonialism, andthe role played by cultural and historical heritage in encouragingmore 'tight-knit' cooperation. Finally, further examples will bedrawn upon from more recent times to confirm the on-going nature ofthis foreign policy dynamic.
Climate and the 'green' transition
A working assumption exists that states traditionally consideredto be major oil and gas exporters are unable to contribute to thegreen transition pursued by the international community in anattempt to combat climate change. The consecutive hosting of COP28and COP29 in UAE and Azerbaijan, however, highlights the ignorantand rather divisive nature of this viewpoint. The disproportionatereliance on fossil fuels and the inability to satisfy commonlyestablished pledges is something that concerns the entire globalcommunity and not just those states that have strategicallybenefitted from their possession of natural resources.
The hosting of COP29 in Azerbaijan is undoubtedly a majorsuccess for the country and a demonstration of real trust on behalfof the international community. The conference presents Azerbaijanwith a unique opportunity to use this platform to not only progresswith already established processes and negotiations but also act asa bridge by extending the hand of international cooperationmechanisms such as COP to poorer nations. The President Delegate ofCOP29 recently pointed out that there must not only be an emphasison working with states that are traditionally viewed as the largest'contributors' to global warming but also with those that mostintensely feel its consequences. Hence, by underlining the measuresit has already undertaken and by seeking to engage members of theGlobal South in the fight against climate change, Azerbaijan ispositioning itself at the heart of a truly 'international' effortto combat an issue that poses an existential threat to the entireplanet.
Azerbaijan's green agenda, however, began before the awarding ofthis event to its capital city. This further refutes the suggestionthat the hosting of COP29 is simply a political win for an'oil-rich country'. Azerbaijan was swift and proactive inacknowledging the threat of climate change and implementing a greentransition that is far-reaching and reflective of the urgency ofthe need to act. Key examples of this transition include offshorewind projects in the Caspian Sea and the development of the largestsolar power plant in the Caucasus and Caspian region. It isexpected that power stations to be inaugurated this year will beresponsible for the production of 1300 megawatts of solar and windenergy. Moreover, Azerbaijan has teamed up with leading renewableenergy companies such as Masdar to facilitate the development ofrenewable projects, expected to be a truly national effort giventhe designation of 2024 as the year of 'Green World Solidarity'.The inauguration of the Garadagh solar power plant was asignificant moment, as the plant alone is expected to reduce carbonemissions by 200,000 tons a year, provide electricity to 11,000homes, and save 110 million cubic meters of natural gas.
Additionally, Azerbaijan's track record of participating inglobal climate initiatives, such as last year's COP 28, reinforcethe country's serious approach to tackling the issue. At COP28, theAzerbaijani delegation emphasized the desire to create, within thecountry's Karabakh region, a carbon-neutral zone that acts as aleading source of foreign direct investment in the region, in addition to solar and wind energy, the country is keenon hydropower plants that would further diversify and strengthenthe Green Agenda.
Azerbaijan has been an enthusiastic contributor to the UnitedNations' green agenda, working with the aim of achieving UNSustainable Development Goals by 2030. In 2024, Azerbaijan isexpected to submit the fourth Voluntary National Report on thenational implementation of SDGs to date. Azerbaijan has alsocommitted to increasing the share of green energy as a proportionof total generating capacity from 17% to 30%, with an underwaterelectric cable along the bottom of the Black Sea currently underconstruction to facilitate the delivery of energy generated fromAzerbaijan's renewable sources to European capitals.
A useful example of Azerbaijan's pro-activeness is thesuggestion put forward which calls for the introduction of anadditional SDG, focusing exclusively on 'mine action'. Given theincreasingly prevalent nature of armed conflict in theinternational system, and especially the challenges posed by minesin post-conflict reconstruction, the lack of cohesion in globalefforts to tackle this issue is becoming more and more concerning SDG consists of five goals and 15 indicators that would guideits implementation and monitor progress achieved. Evidently, thismeasure is targeted at countries most impacted by war such asUkraine but also numerous others in the Middle East such as Syriaand Yemen. Azerbaijan has always placed special emphasis oncooperation with the United Nations, both on an international levelbut also domestically where the organisation has a significant andever-increasing presence. This is an example of one way in whichAzerbaijan can act as the leading voice for countries experiencingproblems such as mine contamination, one of the several issues thattends to be overlooked.
Chairmanship of Non-Aligned Movement and on-goinginitiatives
The ability of Azerbaijan to act as a representative for the'Global South' is not restricted to efforts in one specific sphere already mentioned, the country was elected as the chair of theNon-Aligned Movement for the period 2019-2023. In fact, the finalyear was an additional one following the unanimous approval of allmember states to extend the chairmanship. As with COP29, thisrepresents a huge demonstration of trust and confidence by thebroader international community. Crucially, it represents, onceagain, the enthusiasm of Azerbaijani foreign policy towardsmultilateralism and international cooperation in vital areas likeinternational security, global health, youth development and unityagainst neo-colonialism which threatens to undermine thesovereignty and future development of nation-states.
Azerbaijan's time as chair of NAM coincided with anunprecedented global pandemic. Upon the country's initiative, anonline NAM summit was held. This event sought to unite thecollective effort to vaccinate populations and ensure that accessto global distribution was as equitable and effective as possible,despite evident barriers to this being a possibility, Azerbaijan also provided humanitarian support tomore than 80 countries. This included voluntary contributions tothe WHO in the form of approximately 10 million USD. The countryalso directly supplied five countries with vaccines.
Furthermore, it was Azerbaijan's initiative to establish the NAMParliamentary Network and the NAM Youth Organization (in 2021 and2022, respectively). The latter, headquartered in Baku, plays acrucial role in uniting youths of member states and serving as aplatform for the exchange of opinions on mutual cooperation as wellas ideas on confronting existing challenges facing member states its establishment in 2021, the Youth Organizationsuccessfully established 'national chapters', more simply known asbranches, in 50 member states. Moreover, the Youth organization haspursued an agenda of successful cooperation with other youthplatforms around the world. Most recently, it co-organised an eventat the ECOSOC Youth Forum in New York, focusing on the increasinglypertinent synergy between mine action, climate change and the roleplayed by the youth globally. The Parliamentary Network has beenequally successful, with the Third Conference held in Geneva inMarch 2024 following the Second Conference in Bahrain (2022), theFirst Conference in Baku (2022) and the Inaugural Conference inSpain (2021). A further proposal was made on the creation of a'women's platform', set to be put into practice by the upcomingchair of the Movement, Uganda. This further highlights the desireto deepen institutionalized cooperation via this framework.
Azerbaijan's legacy as the chair of the movement is undoubtedlyvalued and serves as an example to future chairs on how to approachthe difficult task of chairing an organization with over 100members. This example does not merely demonstrate an increasinglyparticipative foreign policy. In fact, it is an example ofAzerbaijan acting as a leader on the global stage by relying on itsincreasingly diverse foreign policy apparatus but also its statusas a respected and proactive member of the global community. Theimportance of these efforts must never be underemphasized,especially given how sensitive the issues uniting NAM member statesremain to be for their respective populations.
Economic (and other) cooperation based on culturalheritage
In addition to more prominent areas of cooperation, such asclimate change and unity among 'non-aligned' states discussed sofar, Azerbaijan has demonstrated leadership that is based on a morecultural and historical foundation as opposed to current pressingissues. As a 'Turkic' state, Azerbaijan is an integral part of theOrganization of Turkic States, established in 2009 and a forumwhich has since gained vital strategic and economic importance. OTSis composed of several 'sub-bodies', focusing on facilitatingdialogue and interconnectedness in areas such culture, economicgrowth, science, and education. One of the key underlying aims ofthis platform was to facilitate the development of the MiddleCorridor (also known as the Trans-Caspian Transport Route),designed to connect Europe and China through Central Asia and theSouth Caucasus. Equally, given Azerbaijan's increasingly deep tieswith Turkey on both the economic and military field, it serves as aplatform through which the countries can further institutionalizetheir relationship by solidifying the influence of the commonculture and history that unites the member states. The organizationhas gone as far as adopting a 'Turkic World Vision – 2040',underlining the desire to build a cooperative platform that willallow member states to defend their own interests in an environmentthat is free from the influence of one or several 'great powers'.President Aliyev has always emphasized this point, referring to theorganization as Azerbaijan's only 'family' and the key to ensuringunity in a highly complex and volatile international system.
Given that Central Asia and the South Caucasus aregeographically located in ways that make all of its states,especially 'developing ones', vulnerable to the instability thatusually follows great power competition, the OTS also promoteseconomic cooperation. Initiatives such as the Turkish InvestmentFund, headquartered in Istanbul, is the first official financialorganization uniting all the Turkic states. The underlying aim ofthe fund is to mirror institutions like the International MonetaryFund and the Asian Development Bank by providing a similar forumfor Turkic states. Its operation consists primarily of facilitatingeconomic cooperation, with an essential pillar being the provisionof credits to corporations and SME's engaging in large-scaleinfrastructure projects. Azerbaijan is a key contributor of thefund. This is essential in helping Turkic nations such asKyrgyzstan develop long-term financial stability that provides adegree of protection for the country's economy and populationamidst rising geopolitical instability. Crucially, however, itallows economic cooperation to be conducted by Turkic statesindependently and in accordance with the outcomes of regionaldialogue. The five members benefit from an entirely 'equal split'of the Fund's resources, with each country allocated 20% of theentire fund.
Further examples
There are numerous other examples of instances where Azerbaijanhas evidently 'taken the lead'. A clear pattern can be observed ifone is to take a step back and assess the key issue areas that thecountry's constantly evolving foreign policy engages with, these initiatives stem from issues that appear to havebeen marginalised by the 'traditional' international community includes but is not limited to the involving of the 'GlobalSouth' in the fight against climate change, limiting the negativeinfluence of postcolonialism and the protection of the sovereigntyand territorial integrity of less developed states that allows themto act in accordance with their own culture and interests and notideas imposed on them by powers external to their region.
Further examples from 2024 have served to reinforce thisdynamic. The Conference on Inter-Action & Conference BuildingMeasures in Asia (CICA), established in 2002 by the initiative ofKazakhstan, is a similar platform that promotes 'militaryconfidence-building' and reinforces the core principle ofnon-interference by member states into each other's internalaffairs. Recently, it was announced that Azerbaijan has beenelected as the next chair of the conference, with the SeventhMeeting of the Ministerial Council occurring in the second half of2024. Highlighting the country's increasingly decisive role in theinternational security landscape, particularly by safeguardingterritorial integrity and sovereignty as inherent components of theinternational legal order, member states (of which 28 arepermanent) have once again highlighted the strategically importantrole of Azerbaijan in acting as a bridge between differentcountries and region. The fact that the CICA is the only officialframework which Iran and Israel share and cooperate through furtherstresses this point.
Once again, Azerbaijan's desire to engage in multilateralsettings that seek to strengthen the ability of states to act on'their own' behalf, is not limited to just international securityand the complex field of defence. This May alone, Baku is hostingthe 6th World Forum on Intercultural Dialogue of which cooperationand interconnectivity are key discussion topics. Attended byleading international institutions such as UNESCO and the WTO, theforum first began in 2008 as part of the Baku Process initiative by thousands of professionals and representatives ofdifferent governments and agencies, this framework seeks toencourage intercultural discussion and cooperation, essential giventhe increasingly divisive and polarized international arena whereIslamophobia and other forms of racial discrimination are becomingworryingly more widespread.
Conclusion
The examples discussed in this analysis all have a clear buthighly essential common denominator. Azerbaijan, a country thatrecently freed itself from military occupation, is beginning tofirmly position itself at the heart of truly 'international'cooperation. As initially proposed, although Western institutionshave set an undeniable precedent on fostering internationalcooperation, the key limitation of their most influential memberstends to be the inability to consider the interests and issuesfacing those communities that are not in their most proximateenvironment. The rather spontaneous recent visit to all fiveCentral Asian countries by UK Foreign Minister David Cameron,described as an attempt by the UK government to reinforce itsvision of becoming more 'Global', demonstrates that Western powersdo not always have a strong record of using their 'soft power' toestablish a deep-rooted influence in other regions. Given thereturn of armed conflict to Europe and other continents as a fixedfeature of international relations, marginalization is becomingmore dangerous than ever before. It is precisely this factor thathas forced countries like Azerbaijan to take responsibility,preserve (or restore, in Baku's case) the respect for itsterritoriality and gain a foothold in influencing the evolution ofevents in its immediate neighbourhood.
For Azerbaijan, this 'new' era represents a highly promising andexciting opportunity. The country, despite the evident complexitiesit faces as a consequence of its geostrategic position and theunpredictable nature of its neighbours, has learnt to stand firmand develop in the direction that it itself deems most necessaryand most beneficial. A direct consequence of the uniquely decisiveand commanding foreign policy trajectory chosen by PresidentAliyev, Azerbaijan is as influential and respected on theinternational community as ever before. Most importantly, thistrend is only going to become more apparent and noticeable withtime. The sheer breadth of directions in which Azerbaijan'sdiplomacy is currently operating is likely to be met with fierceenthusiasm and ambition from the country's future generations.
About the Author: Huseyn Sultanli is a political analystand expert on Political Risk, the Application of International Law,Conflictology, European Cooperation, and Azerbaijani foreignpolicy.
He is a MSc International Relations Graduate, LSE inLondon, United Kingdom.
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