Why The US Should Tread Carefully As It Weighs Supporting Armed Intervention In Haiti Again

Haiti appears to be on the yet again.

the country's biggest fuel terminal since mid-September 2022, strangling Haiti's food and energy supplies. The World Food Program says that Haiti's is urgent.

The government of Prime Minister Ariel Henry for foreign troops to come help it gain the upper hand against the gangs. The first international response has been a placing sanctions on the primary gang leader, former Police officer Jimmy“Barbecue” Chérizier.

More direct involvement may be on the horizon. The that the U.S. and Mexico plan to for the U.N. Security Council's consideration that would authorize a“non-UN international security assistance mission” to quell violence and facilitate the distribution of aid.

Conditions in Haiti today are alarming, but as a , I am concerned that foreign intervention runs the risk of making a bad situation worse – as has happened repeatedly there for more than 100 years. I believe any response should carefully consider how past aid and military interventions have shaped the dire situation Haitians face today.

Foreign influences have long exerted power over Haitian internal affairs.

Initially enslaved in a brutal French sugar colony, in 1804 after 13 years of war and revolution.

But a state of free Black people was by the surrounding slave-holding empires in North and South America. There were to weaken, control or contain the young country.

The most expansive of these efforts was the U.S. occupation of Haiti.

In 1915, the and ruled it as a client state for 19 years. The pretext for the invasion was to calm political turmoil in Haiti, but how the U.S. was primarily interested in protecting and expanding its economic interests in the region.

Many white Americans justified the occupation because of their paternalistic ideas about Black people. And many U.S. Marines in Haiti shared a about race, which shaped governing styles and exacerbated tensions between light-skinned and dark-skinned Haitians.

The in Haiti, but the changes it made weakened the country's institutions. It by establishing a puppet government that rubber-stamped legislation drafted by U.S. officials.

The U.S. invested heavily in the capital city of Port-au-Prince while letting the rest of the country fall into decline. When U.S. troops departed in 1934, , leaving Haiti's provinces weak and the country with few counterweights to executive authority.

This centralized system became a when, in 1957, François Duvalier was elected president of Haiti.

Duvalier, a Black nationalist, found support by mobilizing racial animosities that had been heightened by the U.S. occupation. He had little respect for democratic norms and leaned on a to crush his opponents.

Within a few years, Duvalier had established a that ruled over a major decline of Haiti's economic and political life. After his death in 1971, his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier, took over as“ .”

The younger Duvalier, who , enjoyed ever-increasing amounts of support from the international community, . But reforms remained superficial and Haiti's government was still a dictatorship.

In 1986, a popular uprising fueled by grassroots organizing, spiraling economic crises and social discontent .

Since then, Haitian political life has been a push-and-pull of democratic aspiration and authoritarian repression. In the wake of the dictatorship, Haiti reinvented itself as a , but the political transition remains incomplete to this day.

Duvalier loyalists and allies in the military the first attempt at an election in 1987. When voting finally took place in 1990, the people a left-leaning populist and former Catholic priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, in a landslide victory that saw historic levels of voter participation.

But once again, anti-democratic elements in the elite and the military intervened, after just a few months in office and establishing a violent military junta.

President Bill Clinton sent troops back to Haiti in 1994 to push out the junta and reinstall Aristide.

Aristide was , launching new waves of sweeping political violence. A U.S., French and Canadian coalition sent an“interim international force” of troops to restore order and help organize new elections.

They were soon were replaced by a blue-helmeted U.N. peacekeeping mission led by Brazil, . Initially planned as a , those forces remained in Haiti until 2017.

When Port-au-Prince was struck by a devastating earthquake in 2010, MINUSTAH forces were already on the ground. The international community launched a massive, relief and recovery effort, but, much like the American occupation a century earlier, the was the private sector in the U.S. and other major donor countries.

MINUSTAH's was a cholera epidemic caused by poor sanitation practices at a U.N. base in Haiti's countryside.

MINUSTAH and the Obama State Department oversaw Haiti's 2010 presidential elections and had in securing the victory of President Michel Martelly, a pop star-turned-politician who a reputation for corruption.

He was succeeded by his chosen successor, Jovenel Moïse, who in 2020. According to to terrorize his opponents.

– a murder that has . Without a parliament, there is .

Haiti's government has since lurched forward under the leadership of Henry, an unelected and unpopular official who has been .

Despite these concerns, over his rivals. A coalition of for a new interim government to take power and organize elections.

But negotiations with Henry's government have . Given the vacuum of legitimate authority, the gangs Moïse empowered have begun asserting themselves as . Chérizier has joined in demanding Henry either resign or share power.

are that Henry, unrestrained by a democratic mandate or a functioning parliament, plans to use foreign troops to reinforce his political position.

And while in Haiti have often been launched in the name of stability and democracy, they have not proved capable of providing either.

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