When The Gaza Fighting Stops: No Good Options

It's unclear how many people are still in the north. Israel has warned that those who remain could be classed as sympathizers with“a terrorist organization .”

Inevitably, there will be appalling civilian casualties. Not all will necessarily be the IDF's fault, but the default position of the region and those in the global community opposed to Israel's action will be to blame Israel.

Another challenge is the estimated 200 hostages taken by Hamas during its raid into Israel. Hamas says it has spread them around Gaza. Almost certainly, some will be in the northern war zone.

Hamas claims 22 have already been killed by Israeli bombs. Some relatives of the hostages are criticizing the Benjamin Netanyahu government for not giving sufficient priority to freeing their loved ones.

What Israel intends to do if and when it has secured the northern half of Gaza is not clear. The coastal strip is already facing a“catastrophic” humanitarian situation, according to the UN. And in terms of administering the territory, there are few good options.

1) A military reoccupation of Gaza, as Israel did from 1967 to 2005.

This would constitute a huge military burden and expose IDF personnel to violence and kidnapping. US President Joe Biden has warned reoccupation would be a big mistake.

2) Eliminate Hamas' senior leadership, declare victory, then leave.

Such a victory would almost certainly be short-term. Other low-level members of Hamas would take pride in coming forward to reconstitute the group. Or another group, such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad, might fill the vacuum. Israel would not be able to control who or what that entity might be.

3) Call on the secular Fatah party that now controls the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank to take control in Gaza.

That is scarcely viable. Fatah lost a civil war to Hamas in 2007 and there's no indication the Palestinian Authority's return would be acceptable to Palestinians there. Moreover, the authority's leader, Mahmoud Abbas, was elected to a four-year term in 2005 – and is still in charge. As such, he lacks legitimacy , even in the West Bank.

4) Administration of Gaza by non-aligned local leaders.

This is a pipe dream. Even if such figures could be found, Gazans would almost certainly see them as collaborators with the Israelis, given their role would be to keep the strip's hardliners under control.

5) Administration of Gaza by a non-Palestinian Arab force.

Again, this is not feasible. The leaders of potential Arab contributors to such a force, such as Egypt, Jordan or Saudi Arabia, would not want to be seen as policing Palestinians on behalf of Israel.

6) Administration of Gaza by a non-Arab or United Nations force.

Given the enormous risks, it's very hard to see any non-Arab countries embracing this idea. A UN peacekeeping force would require not only Israeli approval, but a UN Security Council resolution at a time when Russia and China rarely agree with the three Western permanent members.

Israel also contends Hezbollah has impeded the UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon from carrying out its mandate, preventing it from stopping militant attacks. After the Hamas attacks, Israel would be unlikely to entrust its security to peacekeepers with little incentive to put their lives on the line for its sake.

For too long, Israel has believed the Gaza imbroglio could be contained. However, the population has grown so large, this is no longer the case.

With a growth rate of just over 2% per year, its population is expected to be three million by 2030.

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Gaza is also incredibly young, with a median age of 19.6, compared with the global average of 30.5. Almost half the adult population is unemployed, and Palestinians in Gaza are four times more likely to be living in poverty than those in the West Bank. This is a recipe for social upheaval and radicalization.

As two Israeli journalists, Efraim Inbar and Eitan Shamir, noted in a perceptive analysis of Israel's 2014 Gaza war, the Israeli military describes its assaults on Gaza as“mowing the grass” – acting to punish Hamas severely for its aggressive behavior and degrading its military capabilities.

The aim was to achieve realistic and, therefore, limited political and military goals. It was part of a long-term strategy of attrition, which would have a temporary deterrent effect in order to create periods of quiet along the border.

Eliminating Hamas altogether, the authors said, was not an“attainable military objective”.

From a humanitarian perspective, this phrase is objectionable. The question, now, is whether Netanyahu will attempt a different strategy this time. We'll find out in the coming weeks.

Ian Parmeter is Research Scholar, Center for Arab and Islamic Studies, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

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