Autocracy Inc: The Authoritarian Club Plotting To Defeat The West

The key issue with Applebaum's analysis is that contradictions in her theory fail to appear. Too much of the book proceeds via omission and conflation. It often patches up observed plausibilities with the author's own idealism, presenting them as certainties.

The autocracies, says Applebaum, not only keep tabs on the progress of the club members, but also time“their own moves to create maximum chaos.”

In the autumn of 2023, additional aid to Ukraine stumbled in the European Union and the United States, due to the opposing efforts of“minorities with deep Russian ties, led respectively by Viktor Orban in Hungary and by a handful of MAGA Republicans in Congress.” At the same time, Applebaum writes, Iranian-backed Hamas conducted a terrorist attack against Israel.

To me, it is not clear who the“minorities” were, nor the nature of their alleged ties to Russia. More importantly, Applebaum does not tell us why Iran would attempt to aid the anti-Ukrainian efforts of these minorities.

Applebaum clearly knows her theory is not as clear-cut as it might seem. She admits“there are no 'blocs' to join and no Berlin Walls marking neat geographic divides.”

Yet bloc thinking persists. Applebaum never asks whether the autocrats have the capacity – logistical, psychological, military or otherwise – to mount a coordinated attack on“the West.”

After all, autocracies continue to develop strategic cooperation with the same countries they deplore. The global West depends on China for a lion's share of production and the Russian Federation continues selling natural resources that are re-sold later.

Autocracies remain transactional. They respond to any incursion into their own perceived sphere of power, whichever political camp or movement it is coming from – not just from the“liberals.”

For a non-specialist audience, Autocracy Inc. presents an intriguing, if morbid, exposé of the“grey zone” autocrats operate. At times, Applebaum makes an interesting point, only to drop it later on.

Discussing the post-1991 era of business expansion in Eastern Europe, Applebaum spends some time on the future Russian president Vladimir Putin, who was then deputy mayor of Saint Petersburg. According to her, even then, Putin had a“close-knit cabal” around him, biding his time to restore an authoritarian regime.

During the 1990s, the future autocrat was exposed to the double standards of Western democracies. As long as there was money, those democracies were only too happy to provide help for establishing illiberal regimes abroad.

The fruitful idea of the foundational influence of Western hypocrisy fizzles out on the next page, however. What remains unanswered is the question of whether Putin is an idealist, a cynic, a pragmatist or all of these.

For those readers who want to know more, Philip Short's meticulous account of Putin's career comes to the rescue: there have been many“Putins”, as the man has changed and adapted to the power constellations around him.

Applebaum's book places a strong emphasis on how autocracies seem to be exchanging media tropes and supporting each other. This is the most substantial part of the book.

China's media and satellite television provider StarTimes, for example, helped satellite network Russia Today circumvent its widespread expulsion after the Ukraine war, continuing to make it available to customers. Autocracies also echo each other's thematic presentation of events, what Applebaum calls“information-laundering.”

Although certainly interesting in content, the chapters do not go further than asking how the propaganda antennae transmit their message far and wide. Applebaum does not address how – and most importantly, why – autocratic media manage to convince people in Latin America, the Middle East or Africa of their anti-Western (and in every sense anti-democratic) views.

Clearly, the“great movement for democracy” and grassroots activism – which Applebaum is fond of – are not inspiring enough for those people. Potentially, their lack of inspiration is a byproduct of the autocratic propaganda that instills cynicism and nihilism in those countries, an effect Applebaum illuminates.

The Russian media's audience, for example, is bombarded by a range of false versions of major events, one so wide it is impossible to grasp. The cacophony leads to hopelessness, says Applebaum. But young people in liberal democracies, too, display a palpable hopelessness and disbelief in a better future, and even in the system itself.

The war against autocracy is not a war against a particular country or a bloc, says Applebaum. Rather, it is a war against authoritarian behaviors.

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Applebaum calls for solidarity, unity and coalition building, along with sanctions against offending countries. A network of lawyers and anti-corruption activists should help, she says.“Economic warriors” who can track sanctions in real time should set the record straight. This certainly means more exposure of autocracies, and probably more sanctions.

Applebaum never questions the efficacy of sanctions, their contribution to autocrats' propaganda messages and, most importantly, their human cost. Autocrats can exempt themselves from the effects of sanctions regimes. Their beleaguered citizens, though, often cannot. Propaganda apparatchiks never fail to capitalize on this.

For example, in late 2023, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov put his own spin on a statement by Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen, saying she“minced no words describing the purpose of the sanctions which is to hurt ordinary people.”

I share Applebaum's preference for liberal democracy and its renewed defense, which she articulates well in her book's final pages. The world is a visibly smaller place due to the policies of the last three decades. Globalization worked only too well, tying everybody – good, bad and neutral – into one interconnected whole.

Reading Applebaum's book, it might seem as if“they” are winning. But this is almost certainly an overstatement. Migrants are not storming the borders of autocratic states in hopes of getting a Venezuelan or Iranian passport.

Instead, there is mass migration to Australia, America, Canada and Europe. There is a reason the discussions around the numbers coming to the US through its southern border are a political hot potato, carrying decisive electoral weight.

The West clearly has a competitive product that continues to hold its own. Autocracies will not go extinct, but neither will they win at large. In some places in the world,“democracy” will remain a slur.

Oleg Beyda is Hansen Lecturer in Russian history at The University of Melbourne

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

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