(MENAFN- AzerNews)
Akbar Novruz
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The battle for Syria has become a microcosm of broader
geopolitical struggles, where alliances are tested, and territorial
ambitions collide. At the heart of this conflict lies an
increasingly bitter rift between the United States and Türkiye-two
NATO allies whose strategic interests are growing ever more
incompatible. Tensions have entered a new phase after the Free
Syrian Army, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) led by Ahmed al-Sharaa
a.k.a. Abu Mohammad al-Julani, ended Assad's rule. Many experts and
politicians are patiently watching the trajectory of the situation.
As Syria remains uncertain, the US's support for Kurdish militias,
notably the YPG, has caused a new threat for Türkiye, determined to
prevent what it sees as the rise of a terrorist state on its
borders. The latest development-US senators proposing sanctions on
Türkiye-marks a new chapter in this long-standing and increasingly
volatile conflict.
Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen and Republican Senator
Lindsey Graham have introduced a sanctions bill in response to
Türkiye's potential operation against the Syrian Democratic Forces
(SDF) in northern Syria. They believe the U.S. should work with
Turkiye to establish a demilitarized zone along the Syrian border
to achieve a ceasefire.
The bill, titled "Countering Türkiye's Aggression Act 2024,"
aims to prevent support by Turkiye and its allies, as such actions
could lead to the resurgence of ISIS, threatening U.S. interests.
Van Hollen highlighted the importance of supporting Kurdish
partners in regional security efforts.
In a post on his official X account, Van Hollen stated, "The
attacks by Turkish-backed forces against our Syrian Kurdish
partners undermine regional security. If Türkiye does not accept
the ceasefire and demilitarized zone, we must impose
sanctions."
SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) Commander Mazloum Abdi has
proposed a U.S.-controlled demilitarized zone in Kobani, where
the SNA is preparing for an operation. He indicated that if a
ceasefire is reached, non-Syrian fighters could be removed from the
country.
Senator Chris Van Hollen mentioned that he discussed the
ceasefire proposal with Abdi. He warned that if Turkiye rejects
this, they may consider sanctions similar to those imposed in 2019
for Türkiye's purchase of Russian S-400 systems, which halted its
F-35 program and led to additional sanctions under the Countering
America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).
US support for Kurdish Militias, a long-standing
history
For years, the US has justified its military presence in Syria
under the banner of defeating ISIS. But as the Syrian conflict
drags on, questions have emerged about whether the US's true
objectives lie beyond the defeat of a single extremist group.
Türkiye, long suspicious of US intentions, has grown increasingly
wary of American backing for Kurdish groups like the YPG, which it
considers an extension of the PKK, a terrorist organization. To
Türkiye, this is not just about a fight against ISIS-it's about the
creation of a Kurdish corridor that could one day evolve into a
so-called independent "Kurdish state", a scenario it will never
accept.
This territorial control-around 33-35% of Syria-is not merely a
coincidence but a calculated move by Kurdish groups, who have used
the power vacuum in Syria to assert their authority. It has been
there since the end of 70s'. But for Türkiye, and also Syria it
always represents itself as a direct threat. The notion of a
Kurdish state stretching from Syria into Iraq and potentially
destabilizing the region is a scenario that Türkiye is determined
to prevent at all costs. Despite repeated protests, Türkiye's NATO
ally, the US, continues to embrace these Kurdish groups as
essential partners in the fight against ISIS. This enduring
contradiction between alliance and action has led to growing
frustration on both sides, with Türkiye escalating its military
presence in northern Syria as a direct response.
The US-Türkiye relationship is far more complex than just a
disagreement over Syria. The US has long used proxy forces to
achieve its geopolitical aims, and its support for Kurdish militias
in Syria is part of a broader pattern of interventionism. From the
creation of groups like ASALA in the 1970s to the rise of ISIS, the
US has used these organizations to destabilize regions and punish
states that defy American interests. It is a method that has stood
the test of time, though the consequences are often far-reaching,
creating instability and fueling extremism. Whether or not the US
intended to create a Kurdish state, its actions in Syria have
undeniably given Kurdish groups the leverage they need to push for
greater autonomy. With Syria already fractured by years of civil
war, the possibility of a Kurdish state taking root in the region
is not a distant dream but a real threat that Türkiye is determined
to crush.
So we can understand where this sanction threat
emerges...
The introduction of a bill by US senators proposing sanctions on
Türkiye is a reflection of this growing divide. With the US framing
the situation as a matter of national security, it is once again
using its economic leverage to pressure Türkiye into compliance.
But this strategy could backfire. Türkiye, already accustomed to
Western sanctions, is unlikely to yield to external pressure,
especially when its national security is at stake. The growing
military presence in northern Syria is a clear indication that
Türkiye will do whatever it takes to protect its borders and
prevent the creation of a Kurdish state on its doorstep.
In many ways, this is a battle for the future of Syria-a future
where global powers use proxies and terrorism as tools in their
struggle for influence. The US, in particular, has a long history
of fostering instability through the support of terrorist
organizations. From the Taliban to ISIS, the US has often found
itself backing groups that it later deems enemies. In Syria, this
paradox has reached its peak. The US's support for Kurdish
militias, despite their links to the PKK, is seen by Türkiye as a
betrayal. Meanwhile, the US continues to label countries like Syria
as“terrorist states,” a designation that, when examined closely,
seems to serve a broader strategic purpose of isolating certain
governments and undermining their stability.
What holds for the future?
The question now is how far Türkiye is willing to go to confront
this growing threat. With the US showing no signs of backing down,
and Syria remaining a battleground for various international
interests, the future of US-Türkiye relations hangs in the balance.
The US-Türkiye rift over Syria is about far more than just
territorial disputes. It is about regional power, national
sovereignty, and the larger game of influence that global powers
continue to play. Well, for now, the fate of the situation is
predominantly in the hands of Türkiye. The current frame shows that
Türkiye is on the way to benefiting from the latest developments in
Syria. But of course, she must act accordingly. The consequences
for both Türkiye and the US could be profound, reshaping the future
of the Middle East for years to come.
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