America's Iran Policy A Complete And Utter Failure

Over the same period, Iran's military nuclear program has reached its most advanced stage. In July 2024, six years after the Trump administration backed out of the international nuclear deal meant to slow the development of Iranian weapons, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned that Iran was weeks from being able to equip its vast and growing arsenal of ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads.

Despite Iran's many recent military and political advances over the past decade, the American government has consistently underestimated its ambitions of regional dominance. Simultaneously, in my assessment, it has overvalued the effectiveness of long-standing US“soft power” policies toward Iran: containment and de-escalation .

To avoid escalating conflict in the Mideast, Washington prioritizes actions that will avoid, at almost any cost, any military confrontation with Iran. Instead, to contain Iran's expanding regional influence , the US has banned arms sales and technology to Iran, imposed stringent economic sanctions, frozen Iranian financial assets and diplomatically isolated its government.

Yet, Iran's influence continues to expand. In my assessment, this indicates that containment and de-escalation cannot deter a regime whose core policies are driven by fundamentalist ideology. Iran's leaders invoke religious convictions to justify their commitment to violent struggle, regional superiority and the destruction of Israel.

“Allah willing, there will be no such thing as a Zionist regime in 25 years,” Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said in 2015, calling the fight to annihilate Israel a matter of“jihadi morale.”

I consider diplomacy, negotiation and legal and economic punishments preferable solutions for most global conflicts. Yet modern history shows that these measures cannot force policy change on non-democratic, fundamentalist regimes that flout the rules of global international relations – think Nazi Germany , North Korea and the Afghan Taliban regime .

My scholarship on terrorist groups suggests that the US has erred in its handling of Iran's proxies, too. Rather than addressing them together as part of a hostile network, the US treats each proxy as an isolated actor operating in a specific place and seeks to contain or de-escalate that particular threat.

In Yemen, for example, the US did not stop the Iran-backed Houthi rebels from seizing territory and essentially supplanting the government. The Biden administration even pressured US ally Saudi Arabia in 2021 to stop militarily boosting the country's legitimate leaders in their bloody fight to retain power. After the Gaza war began, the Houthis, doing Iran's bidding, began lobbing dozens of missiles at Western-flagged ships in the Red Sea .

Only in early 2024 did the US confront the Houthis, making retaliatory military strikes on Houthi bases in Yemen .

In Iraq, the US was long willing to overlook that Iran was backing the Iraqi Shia militias battling the Islamic State group, as long as these forces continued to participate in the war on the Islamic State . Ignoring the long-term consequences of their growing strength has come at a cost: In the past year, those Iraqi militias have attacked numerous American military bases in the region .

And in Syria, despite Iran's rising influence in the aftermath of the Syrian civil war, the US has gradually reduced its support for anti-Assad rebels and pro-democracy Kurdish forces .

All these failed foreign policies have culminated in the collapse of American deterrence in the Middle East. Simply put, the US no longer projects enough power there to stop Iranian hostilities.

In April 2024, after Israel killed high-ranking officials in Iran's embassy complex in Syria , Iran launched one of the largest missile attacks in history , lobbing over 300 missiles at Israel – its first-ever direct attack on Israel . Yet it has suffered marginal consequences, mainly economic sanctions and diplomatic outcry .

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The US, which rallied Israel's allies across the Mideast to shoot down most of the Iranian missiles, again preferred to block a meaningful response. The Biden administration declared the fact that few missiles hit Israel to be a“win” and insisted that the US would not join Israel in any retaliation against Iran .

America's deep aversion to escalation was further exposed after the targeted killings of top Hezbollah and Hamas leaders . In late July 2024, Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr was killed in an Israeli airstrike in Beirut, Lebanon, and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was killed in a bombing at a government guesthouse in Iran.

Iran blamed Israel for Haniyeh's killing; The New York Times reported that assessment was“also reached by several US officials who requested anonymity.” Iran immediately vowed to retaliate .

For months, the US had pressured Israel to adopt more precision-based military operations to avoid further civilian casualties in the Gaza war, which had killed nearly 40,000 people in its first six months.

Yet when Israel apparently finally did that, eliminating specific terrorists responsible for killing Israelis and Americans, American policymakers fretted that such cross-border attacks could lead to regional escalation.

If the US seeks to achieve long-term peace in the Middle East, it must first acknowledge the failures of the past decade. The evidence backs my conclusion that Iran is an enemy that cannot simply be deterred, contained or de-escalated.

Arie Perliger is director of security studies and professor of criminology and justice studies at UMass Lowell .

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

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