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Self-Made Myths, Inherited Empires: Why The Billionaire Class Faces A Coming Backlash
(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Key Points
UBS now counts 2,919 billionaires with about $15.8 trillion in wealth, and both self-made fortunes and inheritances are growing fast.
These elites are heavily concentrated in a few countries and cities, where money, media and politics mix in ways that resemble old royal courts.
As frustration grows, the global demand to“tax the rich” far more aggressively is likely to surge, testing how democracies balance merit, property rights and anger at privilege.
(Op-Ed Analysis) The latest UBS Billionaire Ambitions Report reads like a map of a new upper class. In 2025, billionaire wealth hit a record $15.8 trillion shared by 2,919 people. Almost 300 crossed the billion-dollar line in a single year, even after pandemic shocks, war and inflation.
Inside this tiny club, two stories run in parallel. First, a strong wave of self-made fortunes: 196 new billionaires built roughly $380 billion in fresh wealth in technology, biomedicine, infrastructure, energy, crypto and finance.
One of the most striking cases is Brazilian entrepreneur Luana Lopes Lara, co-founder of the prediction-market platform Kalshi.
At 29, she became the world's youngest self-made female billionaire after a funding round pushed the company's value near $11 billion and her stake to about $1.3 billion. Second, inheritance is booming.
In the same year, 91 people became billionaires simply by inheriting about $298 billion. UBS expects some $5.9 trillion to be transferred from today's billionaires to their heirs over the next 15 years, locking in dynasties and confirming that birth still matters at least as much as talent.
A Global Money Aristocracy
The geography makes the power structure even clearer. The United States hosts more than 900 billionaires, China around 450 and India just over 200.
New York is the world's billionaire capital, with more than 120 residents, followed by hubs like London, Hong Kong, Beijing, Mumbai, Singapore and São Paulo.
These are the places where the new nobility“hides and breeds its plots”: where family offices, political strategists, bankers and media owners meet behind closed doors.
In the US, the link between big money and power is unusually visible. Modern presidential campaigns cost billions, and a narrow circle of mega-donors funds parties, super PACs and think tanks, helping decide who even gets a chance to run.
The same fortunes pay armies of lobbyists to shape tax codes, trade rules and regulation. In many other countries the pattern is similar, just less open: tycoons own major media groups, bankroll rivals across the political spectrum and negotiate directly with ministers.
In this sense, today's billionaires look increasingly like the old nobility. Their castles are walled compounds and private islands; their courts are Davos, the Hamptons or offshore retreats.
They enjoy private security, private healthcare and private education, while the costs of crises are socialised onto ordinary taxpayers. When people lived under kings, most had no clear idea of democracy or the power of their own vote. Today they do.
As this money aristocracy hardens, the global cry to“tax the rich” much more aggressively will rise like a phoenix-from protest slogans into mainstream politics.
Some movements will push for steep wealth taxes; others will go further, arguing not just to tax but effectively to strip large fortunes through confiscatory measures.
The danger is twofold. One risk is a billionaire class that buys influence, bends rules and passes power down like a hereditary title.
The other is a backlash so angry that it no longer cares about growth, legal certainty or basic fairness, only about taking wealth away.
Between these extremes lies a narrow path: protecting property rights and open competition, while cutting the pipeline between extreme wealth and political control with tougher transparency, simpler rules and real limits on money in politics.
If democracies fail to walk that line, the next chapter will not be a polite argument about inequality. It will be a showdown between a money nobility determined to keep its privileges and electorates that have finally decided to use the full force of their votes.
UBS now counts 2,919 billionaires with about $15.8 trillion in wealth, and both self-made fortunes and inheritances are growing fast.
These elites are heavily concentrated in a few countries and cities, where money, media and politics mix in ways that resemble old royal courts.
As frustration grows, the global demand to“tax the rich” far more aggressively is likely to surge, testing how democracies balance merit, property rights and anger at privilege.
(Op-Ed Analysis) The latest UBS Billionaire Ambitions Report reads like a map of a new upper class. In 2025, billionaire wealth hit a record $15.8 trillion shared by 2,919 people. Almost 300 crossed the billion-dollar line in a single year, even after pandemic shocks, war and inflation.
Inside this tiny club, two stories run in parallel. First, a strong wave of self-made fortunes: 196 new billionaires built roughly $380 billion in fresh wealth in technology, biomedicine, infrastructure, energy, crypto and finance.
One of the most striking cases is Brazilian entrepreneur Luana Lopes Lara, co-founder of the prediction-market platform Kalshi.
At 29, she became the world's youngest self-made female billionaire after a funding round pushed the company's value near $11 billion and her stake to about $1.3 billion. Second, inheritance is booming.
In the same year, 91 people became billionaires simply by inheriting about $298 billion. UBS expects some $5.9 trillion to be transferred from today's billionaires to their heirs over the next 15 years, locking in dynasties and confirming that birth still matters at least as much as talent.
A Global Money Aristocracy
The geography makes the power structure even clearer. The United States hosts more than 900 billionaires, China around 450 and India just over 200.
New York is the world's billionaire capital, with more than 120 residents, followed by hubs like London, Hong Kong, Beijing, Mumbai, Singapore and São Paulo.
These are the places where the new nobility“hides and breeds its plots”: where family offices, political strategists, bankers and media owners meet behind closed doors.
In the US, the link between big money and power is unusually visible. Modern presidential campaigns cost billions, and a narrow circle of mega-donors funds parties, super PACs and think tanks, helping decide who even gets a chance to run.
The same fortunes pay armies of lobbyists to shape tax codes, trade rules and regulation. In many other countries the pattern is similar, just less open: tycoons own major media groups, bankroll rivals across the political spectrum and negotiate directly with ministers.
In this sense, today's billionaires look increasingly like the old nobility. Their castles are walled compounds and private islands; their courts are Davos, the Hamptons or offshore retreats.
They enjoy private security, private healthcare and private education, while the costs of crises are socialised onto ordinary taxpayers. When people lived under kings, most had no clear idea of democracy or the power of their own vote. Today they do.
As this money aristocracy hardens, the global cry to“tax the rich” much more aggressively will rise like a phoenix-from protest slogans into mainstream politics.
Some movements will push for steep wealth taxes; others will go further, arguing not just to tax but effectively to strip large fortunes through confiscatory measures.
The danger is twofold. One risk is a billionaire class that buys influence, bends rules and passes power down like a hereditary title.
The other is a backlash so angry that it no longer cares about growth, legal certainty or basic fairness, only about taking wealth away.
Between these extremes lies a narrow path: protecting property rights and open competition, while cutting the pipeline between extreme wealth and political control with tougher transparency, simpler rules and real limits on money in politics.
If democracies fail to walk that line, the next chapter will not be a polite argument about inequality. It will be a showdown between a money nobility determined to keep its privileges and electorates that have finally decided to use the full force of their votes.
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