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After Maduro's Capture, Brazil's Opposition Blames Lula For Years Of Support
(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Key Points
After Nicolás Maduro's capture, São Paulo Governor Tarcísio de Freitas-one of Brazil's most prominent opposition figures-moved fast to do what many Brazilians have long wanted to see: confront President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva over what he calls years of implicit support that helped keep Maduro's system standing.
Lula never signed a pact with Maduro. But he repeatedly offered what Maduro needed most: time, and the benefit of the doubt, when legitimacy was in question.
In March 2024, with Venezuela moving toward a vote under rules that sidelined major opponents, Lula urged the world to grant“presumption of innocence.”
Asked about an opposition candidate being barred, he said that“instead of crying” they should name someone else. Critics read it as advice to accept Maduro's rules rather than confront them.
After Maduro's Capture, Brazil's Opposition Blames Lula for Years of Support
After the disputed July 2024 election, Lula said there was“nothing abnormal,” calling it a“normal, calm process,” and argued the dispute should be settled by publishing tally sheets and letting institutions decide.
In August 2024, he added a distinction that mattered across the region: Venezuela, he said, had an authoritarian slant, but it was“not a dictatorship.”
In December 2025, as Washington debated coercive options, Lula warned that an armed intervention would be a“humanitarian catastrophe” and a dangerous precedent.
Now, after U.S. strikes and the seizure of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, Lula says the operation crossed an“unacceptable line” and violated sovereignty.
That arc is the spine of Tarcísio's video. He argues dictatorships decay slowly and endure because outsiders excuse them.
He flashes Lula's image, treats Maduro's capture as a turning point, and links it to Brazil's own political calendar-an unmistakable nod to his ambitions.
The stakes are also practical. Venezuelans are now Brazil's largest foreign-born group, and Operação Acolhida's relocation effort has moved more than 100,000 people from the border to cities nationwide.
Any fresh instability in Caracas can quickly become pressure on Roraima, public services, and Brazil's regional posture.
Lula's words over the past two years are being cited as political cover that eased pressure on Nicolás Maduro at key moments.
Governor Tarcísio de Freitas is using that record to attack Lula and to elevate his own national profile.
Brazil cannot treat Venezuela as distant: migration, border stability, and diplomacy are already domestic issues.
After Nicolás Maduro's capture, São Paulo Governor Tarcísio de Freitas-one of Brazil's most prominent opposition figures-moved fast to do what many Brazilians have long wanted to see: confront President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva over what he calls years of implicit support that helped keep Maduro's system standing.
Lula never signed a pact with Maduro. But he repeatedly offered what Maduro needed most: time, and the benefit of the doubt, when legitimacy was in question.
In March 2024, with Venezuela moving toward a vote under rules that sidelined major opponents, Lula urged the world to grant“presumption of innocence.”
Asked about an opposition candidate being barred, he said that“instead of crying” they should name someone else. Critics read it as advice to accept Maduro's rules rather than confront them.
After Maduro's Capture, Brazil's Opposition Blames Lula for Years of Support
After the disputed July 2024 election, Lula said there was“nothing abnormal,” calling it a“normal, calm process,” and argued the dispute should be settled by publishing tally sheets and letting institutions decide.
In August 2024, he added a distinction that mattered across the region: Venezuela, he said, had an authoritarian slant, but it was“not a dictatorship.”
In December 2025, as Washington debated coercive options, Lula warned that an armed intervention would be a“humanitarian catastrophe” and a dangerous precedent.
Now, after U.S. strikes and the seizure of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, Lula says the operation crossed an“unacceptable line” and violated sovereignty.
That arc is the spine of Tarcísio's video. He argues dictatorships decay slowly and endure because outsiders excuse them.
He flashes Lula's image, treats Maduro's capture as a turning point, and links it to Brazil's own political calendar-an unmistakable nod to his ambitions.
The stakes are also practical. Venezuelans are now Brazil's largest foreign-born group, and Operação Acolhida's relocation effort has moved more than 100,000 people from the border to cities nationwide.
Any fresh instability in Caracas can quickly become pressure on Roraima, public services, and Brazil's regional posture.
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