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Myanmar civilians flee air strikes ahead of military-run elections
(MENAFN) Civilians in Myanmar’s rebel-held regions are facing intensified air attacks and renewed displacement as the military escalates operations ahead of elections widely rejected by local communities.
Late one night last month, Iang Za Kim heard blasts echoing from a nearby village, followed by the roar of fighter jets overhead. When she stepped outside, she saw smoke rising in the distance.
“We were terrified. We thought the junta's planes would bomb us too. So we grabbed what we could – some food and clothes and ran into the jungles surrounding our village.”
Recounting what happened on Nov. 26 in K-Haimual village in western Chin State, Iang’s voice trembles before she breaks down in tears. She is one of thousands who have fled their homes in recent weeks as Myanmar’s military launched an intense wave of airstrikes and ground assaults in opposition-controlled areas to reclaim territory before elections beginning on Dec. 28.
Other women sheltering alongside her sit on straw mats, openly weeping as memories of their escape surface. For many, fear of bombardment is compounded by the threat of forced participation in the vote.
“If we are caught and refuse to vote, they will put us in jail and torture us. We've run away so that we don't have to vote,” Iang said.
Residents of Chin State describe the current military campaign as the most severe in more than three years. Many displaced families have sought refuge elsewhere in the region, while others, including Iang, crossed into India’s Mizoram state. They are now staying in a deteriorating badminton court in Vaphai village, their few possessions bundled in plastic sacks, relying on food and basic aid provided by local villagers.
Ral Uk Thang, 80, said he spent days hiding in jungle shelters before reaching safety.
“We're afraid of our own government. They are extremely cruel. Their military has come into our and other villages in the past, they've arrested people, tortured them, and burned down homes,” he said.
Myanmar has remained largely inaccessible to foreign journalists since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup shortly after national elections. Since then, the junta has been widely accused of running a brutal crackdown against civilians while attempting to suppress armed resistance across the country.
During the latest offensive, airstrikes also hit a hospital in neighboring Rakhine State, where rebel groups reported at least 30 deaths and more than 70 injuries. Human rights groups say that since mid-September, junta air raids in Chin State have struck schools and churches, killing at least 12 people, including six children.
One confirmed attack occurred on Oct. 13, when a school in Vanha village was bombed. Two students — seven-year-old Johan Phun Lian Cung and 12-year-old Zing Cer Mawi — were killed during lessons, and more than a dozen others were injured.
The military authorities have not responded to questions regarding these incidents.
For Bawi Nei Lian, the violence marks a second displacement. His home in Falam town was destroyed in an airstrike in 2021, shortly after the coup. After rebuilding his life in K-Haimual, he is once again without shelter.
“I can't find the words to explain how painful and hard it is and what a difficult decision it was to make to leave. But we had to do it to stay alive,” he said.
“I want the world to know that what the military is claiming – that this election is free and fair – this is absolutely false. When the main political party is not being allowed to contest the election, how can there be genuine democracy?”
The National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi and victorious in the last two elections before the coup, is barred from participating, with most of its senior figures, including Suu Kyi, imprisoned.
“We don't want the election. Because the military does not know how to govern our country. They only work for the benefit of their high-ranking leaders. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party was in power, we experienced a bit of democracy. But now all we do is cry and shed tears,” Ral Uk Thang said.
Iang believes the vote will be manipulated. “If we voted for a party not allied with the military, I believe they will steal our votes and claim we voted for them.”
The election will be held in stages, with results expected by late January, but armed opposition groups have dismissed the process as illegitimate.
At a remote base of the Chin National Front, the largest rebel organization in the state, Vice Chairman Sui Khar said the vote serves only to entrench military rule.
“This election is only being held to prolong military dictatorship. It's not about the people's choice. And in Chin State, they hardly control much area, so how can they hold an election?”
Pointing to a map, he described heavy fighting across the region, saying nearly 50 rebel fighters have been wounded in the past month alone.
“There are columns of hundreds of soldiers trying to advance into the northern part of Chin state from four directions,” Sui Khar said. “The soldiers are being supported by air strikes, artillery fire and by drone units.”
The base, hidden in forested mountains, also houses a field hospital where wounded fighters undergo emergency surgeries, some resulting in amputations. Many are barely adults, having taken up arms as teenagers following the coup.
Abel, 18, lies in pain after losing his right leg in a recent battle. Nearby, 19-year-old Si Si Maung recounted stepping on a landmine during an advance.
“As the enemy was retreating we ran forward and I stepped on a landmine. We were injured in the explosion. Then we were attacked from the air. The airstrikes make things very difficult for us,” he said. “I've lost a leg, but even if I've to give up my life I'm happy to make the sacrifice so that future generations have a better life.”
Despite the heavy toll, it is the determination of young fighters like Si Si Maung that has enabled rebel forces to make gains against a far stronger military over the past four-and-a-half years.
Some civilians still hope the situation may change. Ral Uk Thang believes the junta may eventually retreat after the election.
“But I don't think I will live to see democracy restored in Myanmar,” he said. “I hope my children and grandchildren can witness it some day.”
Late one night last month, Iang Za Kim heard blasts echoing from a nearby village, followed by the roar of fighter jets overhead. When she stepped outside, she saw smoke rising in the distance.
“We were terrified. We thought the junta's planes would bomb us too. So we grabbed what we could – some food and clothes and ran into the jungles surrounding our village.”
Recounting what happened on Nov. 26 in K-Haimual village in western Chin State, Iang’s voice trembles before she breaks down in tears. She is one of thousands who have fled their homes in recent weeks as Myanmar’s military launched an intense wave of airstrikes and ground assaults in opposition-controlled areas to reclaim territory before elections beginning on Dec. 28.
Other women sheltering alongside her sit on straw mats, openly weeping as memories of their escape surface. For many, fear of bombardment is compounded by the threat of forced participation in the vote.
“If we are caught and refuse to vote, they will put us in jail and torture us. We've run away so that we don't have to vote,” Iang said.
Residents of Chin State describe the current military campaign as the most severe in more than three years. Many displaced families have sought refuge elsewhere in the region, while others, including Iang, crossed into India’s Mizoram state. They are now staying in a deteriorating badminton court in Vaphai village, their few possessions bundled in plastic sacks, relying on food and basic aid provided by local villagers.
Ral Uk Thang, 80, said he spent days hiding in jungle shelters before reaching safety.
“We're afraid of our own government. They are extremely cruel. Their military has come into our and other villages in the past, they've arrested people, tortured them, and burned down homes,” he said.
Myanmar has remained largely inaccessible to foreign journalists since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup shortly after national elections. Since then, the junta has been widely accused of running a brutal crackdown against civilians while attempting to suppress armed resistance across the country.
During the latest offensive, airstrikes also hit a hospital in neighboring Rakhine State, where rebel groups reported at least 30 deaths and more than 70 injuries. Human rights groups say that since mid-September, junta air raids in Chin State have struck schools and churches, killing at least 12 people, including six children.
One confirmed attack occurred on Oct. 13, when a school in Vanha village was bombed. Two students — seven-year-old Johan Phun Lian Cung and 12-year-old Zing Cer Mawi — were killed during lessons, and more than a dozen others were injured.
The military authorities have not responded to questions regarding these incidents.
For Bawi Nei Lian, the violence marks a second displacement. His home in Falam town was destroyed in an airstrike in 2021, shortly after the coup. After rebuilding his life in K-Haimual, he is once again without shelter.
“I can't find the words to explain how painful and hard it is and what a difficult decision it was to make to leave. But we had to do it to stay alive,” he said.
“I want the world to know that what the military is claiming – that this election is free and fair – this is absolutely false. When the main political party is not being allowed to contest the election, how can there be genuine democracy?”
The National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi and victorious in the last two elections before the coup, is barred from participating, with most of its senior figures, including Suu Kyi, imprisoned.
“We don't want the election. Because the military does not know how to govern our country. They only work for the benefit of their high-ranking leaders. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party was in power, we experienced a bit of democracy. But now all we do is cry and shed tears,” Ral Uk Thang said.
Iang believes the vote will be manipulated. “If we voted for a party not allied with the military, I believe they will steal our votes and claim we voted for them.”
The election will be held in stages, with results expected by late January, but armed opposition groups have dismissed the process as illegitimate.
At a remote base of the Chin National Front, the largest rebel organization in the state, Vice Chairman Sui Khar said the vote serves only to entrench military rule.
“This election is only being held to prolong military dictatorship. It's not about the people's choice. And in Chin State, they hardly control much area, so how can they hold an election?”
Pointing to a map, he described heavy fighting across the region, saying nearly 50 rebel fighters have been wounded in the past month alone.
“There are columns of hundreds of soldiers trying to advance into the northern part of Chin state from four directions,” Sui Khar said. “The soldiers are being supported by air strikes, artillery fire and by drone units.”
The base, hidden in forested mountains, also houses a field hospital where wounded fighters undergo emergency surgeries, some resulting in amputations. Many are barely adults, having taken up arms as teenagers following the coup.
Abel, 18, lies in pain after losing his right leg in a recent battle. Nearby, 19-year-old Si Si Maung recounted stepping on a landmine during an advance.
“As the enemy was retreating we ran forward and I stepped on a landmine. We were injured in the explosion. Then we were attacked from the air. The airstrikes make things very difficult for us,” he said. “I've lost a leg, but even if I've to give up my life I'm happy to make the sacrifice so that future generations have a better life.”
Despite the heavy toll, it is the determination of young fighters like Si Si Maung that has enabled rebel forces to make gains against a far stronger military over the past four-and-a-half years.
Some civilians still hope the situation may change. Ral Uk Thang believes the junta may eventually retreat after the election.
“But I don't think I will live to see democracy restored in Myanmar,” he said. “I hope my children and grandchildren can witness it some day.”
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