New Delhi's approach remains guided by strategic necessity rather than alliance-building-seeking enhanced capabilities without sacrificing autonomy, in contrast to America's treaty allies.

From Washington's perspective, the DCA operates on a dual logic: strategic alignment and commercial opportunity. It supports the US vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, with India as a stabilizing power capable of sustaining a favorable regional balance.

The US seeks to bolster India's role as a responsible regional actor, align strategic expectations, and demonstrate continuity amid global instability.

At the same time, the pact carries a distinct industrial dimension: India is one of the world's largest and fastest-growing defense markets and American firms are eager to expand sales, coproduction ventures and technology partnerships.

Since 2008, India has purchased more than US$20 billion in American defense equipment-from C-17 and C-130J transport aircraft to P-8I maritime patrol planes, Apache and Chinook helicopters, M777 howitzers, and, more recently, MQ-9B armed drones.

These are not merely big-ticket acquisitions; they expand India's ability to shape its security environment. P-8I aircraft and MQ-9B drones enhance maritime domain awareness across the Indian Ocean, while C-17s and C-130Js allow rapid troop movements to contested borders.

Coupled with M777 howitzers and Apache and Chinook helicopters, these systems strengthen India's ability to hold and reinforce high-altitude positions. Together, they bolster deterrence, crisis response and power projection in the region.

For New Delhi, the DCA is less about alliance-making and more about enhancing capabilities within the bounds of strategic autonomy. It offers access to advanced technologies, expanded joint training, and greater operational readiness-without compromising independent decision-making.

The agreement follows a difficult stretch in India-US relations, marked by tariff disputes, US criticism of India's purchase of Russian oil and renewed American engagement with Pakistan after the recent India-Pakistan armed clashes.

Yet India held its ground, absorbing tariff shocks and defending its energy choices. New Delhi is willing to deepen cooperation with Washington, but not at the expense of autonomy-maintaining ties with Russia, participating in BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and pursuing calibrated diplomacy with China.

Beyond capability-building, the DCA serves as a strategic signal, a deterrent measure, and a reassurance mechanism. It reinforces India's reliability as a long-term security partner willing to share regional responsibilities.

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The agreement sends layered messages: continuity to Moscow, deterrence to Beijing, and reassurance to domestic audiences wary of overdependence on any one power. India's parallel participation in US-led initiatives such as the Quad and IPEF-while remaining engaged with the SCO and BRICS-reflects a multi-vector strategy aimed at balancing interests without surrendering autonomy.

In this context, the DCA underscores India's diplomatic maturity: the ability to deepen ties with one major power while preserving room to maneuver with others.

Ultimately, the 10-year DCA reflects both continuity and calculation: Washington's effort to enlist India in the Indo-Pacific's collective security architecture and New Delhi's determination to preserve autonomy while expanding strategic options.

India is leveraging partnerships to build capacity even as it maintains open channels across competing blocs. In an era of contested geopolitics, the DCA is best understood not as a pivot but as a platform for balance.

It highlights India's strategic culture-pragmatic, plural and purposefully ambitious-navigating a multipolar world without relinquishing the autonomy at the core of its national identity.

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