Hamas Leader's Killing Won't End Or Ease Gaza War

Although the killing of Sinwar is a major step towards restricting Hamas' ability to maintain its war against the IDF in Gaza, Israeli soldiers still face some very significant problems there.

Over the past year, Hamas has morphed from an organized fighting force into guerrilla mode , which makes its fighters much more difficult to eliminate completely.

The classic methodology for dealing with a guerrilla force is“clear, hold and build.” This means you clear an area of the enemy, put troops in to hold the area, and then build an environment in which the enemy can't re-establish itself.

Israel can certainly do the“clearing” and“holding”, but has not been able to build an environment in which Hamas can no longer operate.

Israeli journalists who have been embedded with Israeli forces have made the point that Hamas operatives are returning to areas that were previously cleared by the IDF, in part due to the group's extensive tunnel network.

Another issue for Netanyahu is that right-wing members of his cabinet have threatened to resign from his governing coalition if he agrees to a ceasefire before Hamas is destroyed as a fighting force. They believe Hamas could use a ceasefire to regroup and re-establish itself as a serious threat to Israel.

At the same time, Netanyahu is also facing increasing pressure over the fate of the hostages. If there isn't a ceasefire and negotiations to release them, their families and supporters will continue the large demonstrations they have been staging in Israel in recent months. They are desperate to get back any hostages who may still be alive and the remains of those who have died.

Netanyahu is also still weighing Israel's promised retaliation against Iran for its missile attack against the Jewish state in early October.

If Israel does launch a major strike, what does Iran do in response? Iran's problem is that it had always relied on a strong Hezbollah in Lebanon to be able to respond to Israel militarily on its behalf. And now it seems to have lost that as Hezbollah has been significantly weakened in recent weeks.

Another aspect, of course, is where the United States stands on this. The US has made clear it sees Sinwar's death as being an off-ramp for Israel in Gaza – it can claim a major strategic victory and essentially agree to a ceasefire.

In recent weeks, the US has also given Israel an ultimatum, saying if there isn't an improvement in the amount of humanitarian aid going into Gaza by the end of November, it will cut off some military aid to Israel.

The Democrats want the war to end as soon as possible because while it's on the front pages of US newspapers, it divides the party and could encourage some voters not to come out and vote in the presidential election.

So it's very important for the Democratic candidate, Vice President Kamala Harris, that there be a ceasefire as soon as possible. She said as much in her remarks:

The problem, however, is that Netanyahu has shown in the past he is prepared to go against US wishes whenever it suits him. And a ceasefire does not suit his purposes at this point.

Given Republican nominee Donald Trump's steadfast support for Netanyahu, the Israeli leader would also be more than happy to see him return to the White House.

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Taking all of these factors into account, Netanyahu is likely to prioritize keeping his government together.

As such, he will be more guided by its very right-wing members – Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir – than by the US or the families of the hostages.

After Sinwar's death, Smotrich said the IDF“must increase intense military pressure in the Strip”, while Ben Gvir called on Israel to“continue with all our strength until absolute victory.”

So at this stage, it seems likely the war will continue until Netanyahu can say Hamas has been destroyed as a fighting force. That is what his cabinet is demanding to achieve the government's war aims.

Ian Parmeter is research scholar of Middle East studies, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

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