Pierre Poilievre's 'More Boots, Less Suits' Election Strategy Held Little Appeal To Women

(MENAFN- The Conversation) Women represent more than 50 per cent of the Canadian population , and there is no easy path to power without their votes.

The Conservative Party's gender gap in support has grown in each election since 2011, when Stephen Harper closed it, paving the way to a majority government after two back-to-back minorities .

In 2025, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre's strategy doesn't appear poised to achieve the same success in terms of closing the gender gap. In fact, his rhetoric and platform both seem aimed at men, particularly younger and working-class demographics.

The gender gap in Canadian federal vote choice from 2011 to 2021. (Original analyses from Canadian Election Study data)

Like Donald Trump and other leaders of the populist right , Poilievre's and the Conservative Party of Canada's rise in the polls since 2023 has been in part due to strengthening their appeal to working-class voters, particularly men.

Poilievre has spent much of his time as CPC leader courting blue-collar workers and shifting the party's agenda to include pro-worker policies. The culmination of this is its “More Boots, Less Suits” plan , a package of promises to boost training and apprenticeship grants, improve access to EI, harmonize health and safety policies and provide tax write-offs for trades people's travel and subsistence costs for out of town work.

Male-dominated sectors

These may be good proposals, but these policies - and the rhetoric in which they were couched during the election campaign - don't seem to offer much opportunity for the party to close the sizeable gender gap in voter intention.

The rhetoric is heavily masculine, including the“More Boots, Less Suits” tagline. The policies in the plan appeal to workers in sectors that are heavily male-dominated.

Women are estimated to represent about five per cent or less of the skilled trades workers that the CPC's 2025 platform is designed to woo.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre jokes with a union member as he heads to the lectern to speak at a campaign event at LiUNA! Local 527's training centre in Ottawa on March 21, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang The role of class in how people vote

Drawing on my forthcoming chapter“Gender, Class and Voting Behaviour” in The Working Class and Politics in Canada (UBC Press), we can examine a simple question: does class affect men and women differently as they decide how to vote?

The CPC has considerable support among working-class voters, particularly predominantly non-unionized men, but far less support among working-class women, as my chapter shows based on analyses of the 2019 Canadian Election Study.

This gender difference arises, in part, because there are many more working-class men, according to occupational definitions, than there are working-class women, as noted above in terms of skilled trades.

Poilievre has made strong sector- and occupation-based appeals in this campaign, invoking the idea of blue-collar versus white-collar workers and campaigning on pro-trades policies .

There is a second issue beyond the gender-based occupational segregation in blue-collar jobs. Even among working-class voters, the appeal of the Conservative Party is significantly greater among men compared to women.

The graph below shows the predicted probabilities of a Conservative vote in 2019 for men and women voters grouped by working-class versus non-working class on a scale of zero to one (with control variables for other factors that influence CPC vote such as income, region and partisanship).

A gender gap is visible in both working-class and non-working class groups, but is largest in the working-class group, with working-class men heavily supporting the Conservatives.

Predicted Conservative vote by gender and class in 2019. (Original analyses of 2019 Canadian Election Study) What about this election?

We can assess these numbers as probabilities that can help us think through how voters might cast their ballots today.

What's the probability they'll vote Conservative? Based on the statistical analyses of 37,000 respondents to the Canadian Election Study in 2019 , this chart tells us that for working-class men, more than one in two might be expected to vote CPC in 2025, which represents a majority preference.

In contrast, only one in four non-working-class women would. This makes for a big vote gap - a chasm even - as working-class men form the backbone of the party's voter base.

Men and women have distinct pathways to supporting Conservatives. But key parts of the Conservative strategy in 2025 limited the party's potential to appeal to women, even working-class women.“More Boots, Less Suits” offers little to women specifically, or provides them with an opportunity to see themselves reflected in the policy. The broader CPC platform mentions women only four times.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks with staff and students of a martial arts studio during a visit to Surrey, B.C., on April 26, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Rich Lam

One mention of women appears in a promise to end intimate partner violence and consider aggravating factors for violence against vulnerable women. The other three are in single policy promising to repeal a federal regulation on the rights of gender-diverse federal offenders.

Read more: Pierre Poilievre's proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it

There is a widening gender divide in Canadian electoral politics. The Conservative Party's appeal to working-class men is clear, consistent and electorally meaningful. But this success comes at the cost of deepening the party's gender gap, and this gap is not merely symbolic, but structural.

With women comprising more than half of the electorate, the Conservative Party of Canada's current trajectory risks locking the party into a limited base. The“More Boots, Less Suits” plan may have mobilized one key demographic, but it did so while alienating another the party couldn't afford to ignore.

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