A 'Rules-Based' Or 'Principle-Driven' New Global Order?

However, a piecemeal approach will only contribute to the emergence of distinct sub-orders, potentially making the global order appear less unified and, therefore, more minimalist or normatively weaker.

To restore the rules-based international order from the brink and enhance its effectiveness, two key determinants must be considered.

Firstly, the international order should reflect the new geopolitical and economic realities by accommodating a more multipolar distribution of power that includes the national visions of emerging middle powers, mainly from the Global South.

These powers are increasingly linked to a new Non-Aligned Movement, potentially more impactful than its 20th-century predecessor. In integrating states initially excluded from rule-setting, commitments may become more general compared to those from like-minded groups.

However, this inclusive approach is essential to mitigate potential conflicts arising from competing blocs of like-minded states.

Secondly, the international order must establish an international legal and institutional framework that, rooted in fundamental principles and values, adopts a pragmatic approach to international cooperation.

Essentially, it should effectively manage conflict between states, promote a more inclusive, equitable, resilient, and sustainable global political economy, allow for rule-setting by a diverse range of state and non-state actors, and foster sufficient international cooperation to address major transnational and planetary challenges.

What, then, is the common ground of principles that could reasonably succeed for everyone and to which all sides could adhere?

Based on international rules that not all states consider akin to rules of international law, this approach faces limited prospects for success. In international society, much like in domestic contexts, rules and norms serve not only as technical guidelines but also as authoritative expressions of principles that define the objectives and course of collective action.

It is, therefore, the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and other international standards that must prevail. These include respect for sovereignty, non-intervention, and territorial integrity, as well as human rights, fundamental freedoms and an open international economic system.

These principles are already accepted by UN member states precisely because they embody the deeply held values of most of humanity, making them both a moral imperative and a legal foundation of international relations.

Clearly, a rules-based order aligned with the UN entails privileges and hierarchy, notably within the Security Council. Nevertheless, it also represents a system where some power differentials are moderated to promote a more predictable environment, enabling diverse actors to participate in decision-making and have a voice.

At first glance, relying on the UN's foundational principles may seem incompatible with the diversity, change and novelty of current events. How, then, can these opposing elements be reconciled into practical commitments?

It is undeniable that these principles cannot offer automatic solutions to specific problems due to their conflicting implications. However, they serve as criteria that can be carefully weighed and balanced to arrive at rational solutions. Despite the inherent tension between principles and immediate needs, they can be aligned to work in harmony.

Principles are flexible in that they do not prescribe specific procedural patterns or detailed mechanisms for action. They allow for adaptation and can embody opposing tendencies. For instance, a principle like the observance of human rights is counterbalanced by the concept of non-intervention. Similarly, the principle of equality among states is always viewed within a framework that includes the responsibilities of major powers.

This is precisely the understanding former UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold conveyed many years ago: international affairs constitute a dialogue among various actors in the court of world public regarding the legitimacy of state behavior. As states assert their rights, leaders also affirm and validate these rights through actions that uphold credibility.

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What remains to be determined is the space for global cooperation on issues crucial to humanity's existence: climate change and biodiversity, long-term peace and security, including responsible conduct in outer space, the cyber domain and artificial intelligence, and the commitment to human rights and other fundamental freedoms. These pillars of progress require setting aside competitive advantages stemming from bilateral or regional rivalries.

An essential element in achieving sustainable adherence to these principles is to identify common interests as a basis for joint action and agreed standards. The concept of“diplomatic variable geometry,” proposed by the Biden administration, advocates a pragmatic approach where each problem is addressed through a tailored combination of partners. For these arrangements to succeed, it is crucial to involve not only states but also substate actors and civil society.

New transnational organizations and arrangements will play a crucial role in sustaining cooperation in trade, development, finance and monetary policy while helping to establish new global standards.

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), launched by the G7, is a valuable example. It addresses global money laundering and terrorist financing networks, establishing international standards to combat these illegal activities.

Additionally, various ad hoc approaches in different fields, such as the Major Economies Forum on climate change, the Nuclear Suppliers Group on nuclear issues and the Proliferation Security Initiative on missile proliferation, are already tackling specific challenges.

Such practical actions and operational measures can influence the development of international behavioral standards and their effective implementation. They can introduce a new dimension and enhance a principles-driven international order for all nations.

Eric Alter is dean of the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, Abu Dhabi and an adjunct professor at the Paris School of International Affairs (PSIA), Sciences Po.

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