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A New Central America Security Alliance Bets Cooperation Can Outrun Cartel Power
(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Key Points
El Salvador and Costa Rica have launched“Shield of the Americas,” a joint push against organized crime that they want other countries to join.
The deal links Costa Rica's sudden security anxiety with El Salvador's claim of a dramatic turnaround under a prolonged crackdown.
The hard part is not the slogan. It is day-to-day cooperation that delivers arrests and seizures without shredding institutions.
Presidents Nayib Bukele and Rodrigo Chaves have announced a“historic” anti-crime alliance, branded“Escudo de las Américas” (“Shield of the Americas”), after meeting at Lake Coatepeque in El Salvador.
The headline promise is direct: share intelligence, coordinate operations, and target cross-border criminal structures that move drugs, weapons, cash, and people through Central America.
Both leaders also pitched an economic track-trade, investment, logistics, and innovation-arguing that security failures and weak growth feed the same cycle. To outsiders, the surprising part is not El Salvador joining another security initiative. It is Costa Rica doing it.
Costa Rica has long been sold to tourists and investors as the region's safe exception: stable politics, strong institutions, and a“pure life” brand that brings in visitors.
Yet in recent years it has faced a sharp rise in killings, with investigators and analysts repeatedly pointing to trafficking dynamics and local groups fighting over routes, ports, and retail markets.
Bukele's Security Model Tests Central America
For foreigners, this is the wake-up call: in Central America, geography can overpower reputation. A country can keep its democratic image and still become a corridor. Bukele's role is equally strategic.
El Salvador now reports far lower lethal violence than in its past, and his government credits mass arrests and sustained pressure on gangs. Critics warn about due process, sweeping detention, and the long-term cost of concentrating power.
That debate will shadow any attempt to“export” his model. Costa Rica 's courts, legal culture, and political constraints are different. Its security services cannot simply act first and litigate later.
So the story behind the story is a regional contest between two instincts: act fast and show results, or move cautiously and risk losing control.
“Shield of the Americas” will be judged on measurable follow-through-shared targets, compatible evidence rules, coordinated border and port actions, and sustained pressure on financing networks.
If it produces concrete results, other governments will copy it. If not, it will join the region's long list of bold names that never outgrow the photo.
El Salvador and Costa Rica have launched“Shield of the Americas,” a joint push against organized crime that they want other countries to join.
The deal links Costa Rica's sudden security anxiety with El Salvador's claim of a dramatic turnaround under a prolonged crackdown.
The hard part is not the slogan. It is day-to-day cooperation that delivers arrests and seizures without shredding institutions.
Presidents Nayib Bukele and Rodrigo Chaves have announced a“historic” anti-crime alliance, branded“Escudo de las Américas” (“Shield of the Americas”), after meeting at Lake Coatepeque in El Salvador.
The headline promise is direct: share intelligence, coordinate operations, and target cross-border criminal structures that move drugs, weapons, cash, and people through Central America.
Both leaders also pitched an economic track-trade, investment, logistics, and innovation-arguing that security failures and weak growth feed the same cycle. To outsiders, the surprising part is not El Salvador joining another security initiative. It is Costa Rica doing it.
Costa Rica has long been sold to tourists and investors as the region's safe exception: stable politics, strong institutions, and a“pure life” brand that brings in visitors.
Yet in recent years it has faced a sharp rise in killings, with investigators and analysts repeatedly pointing to trafficking dynamics and local groups fighting over routes, ports, and retail markets.
Bukele's Security Model Tests Central America
For foreigners, this is the wake-up call: in Central America, geography can overpower reputation. A country can keep its democratic image and still become a corridor. Bukele's role is equally strategic.
El Salvador now reports far lower lethal violence than in its past, and his government credits mass arrests and sustained pressure on gangs. Critics warn about due process, sweeping detention, and the long-term cost of concentrating power.
That debate will shadow any attempt to“export” his model. Costa Rica 's courts, legal culture, and political constraints are different. Its security services cannot simply act first and litigate later.
So the story behind the story is a regional contest between two instincts: act fast and show results, or move cautiously and risk losing control.
“Shield of the Americas” will be judged on measurable follow-through-shared targets, compatible evidence rules, coordinated border and port actions, and sustained pressure on financing networks.
If it produces concrete results, other governments will copy it. If not, it will join the region's long list of bold names that never outgrow the photo.
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