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Brazil's Quiet Amnesty Battle: How A Sentencing Bill Could Free Bolsonaro
(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Key Points
The latest twist came when President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva told ministers he plans to veto a bill that softens punishment for those convicted over the 8 January 2023 attacks on Brasília's institutions.
He called the text approved by the Chamber of Deputies“absurd” and warned that cutting penalties sends the wrong message after an attempted overturning of the election result.
The bill, passed in the early hours with 291 votes in favour and 148 against, changes how Brazil calculates sentences for crimes against the democratic order.
Instead of adding full penalties for each offence, judges would start from the most serious crime and increase it only partially. Time in a closed prison regime would fall from one quarter to one sixth of the total sentence.
On paper, this is a technical adjustment. In practice, it could shrink Jair Bolsonaro's 27-year and three-month sentence to 20 years and reduce his time in a closed regime from six years and ten months to around two years and four months.
Dozens of political allies and hundreds of lesser-known defendants would benefit as well, from organisers to people who only vandalised buildings.
In the Senate, the conservative rapporteur Esperidião Amin openly defends a broad amnesty and says many penalties were“exorbitant”.
Around him, a bloc of pragmatic centrists sees an opportunity to calm tensions, reduce prison numbers and move on from the trauma of 8 January without fully endorsing the Supreme Court's hard line.
Lula's camp sees something darker: a coordinated attempt by Congress to rewrite Supreme Court decisions and protect the political elite.
PT leaders and allied movements have called protests in São Paulo and other capitals, linking opposition to the sentencing bill with anger over a separate decision to restrict Indigenous land demarcation to areas occupied in 1988.
Behind the scenes, rumours of an“acordão” swirl: parts of the political centre would help ease Bolsonaro's legal fate if his camp agrees to step back in 2026 and clear the way for other right-of-centre governors seen as more acceptable to moderate voters and markets.
For expats and foreign observers, this is not just another Brasília quarrel. It is a live test of who really sets the limits of power in Brazil: judges, elected politicians, or the voters who will soon be asked to choose again between continuity and change.
Lula vows to veto a bill that would sharply cut sentences for the 8 January plotters, including Jair Bolsonaro.
Senators are weighing changes that could turn the bill into a quiet amnesty, amid rumours of a political“big deal”.
Street protests and backroom negotiations now overlap, shaping both Brazil's justice system and the 2026 election.
The latest twist came when President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva told ministers he plans to veto a bill that softens punishment for those convicted over the 8 January 2023 attacks on Brasília's institutions.
He called the text approved by the Chamber of Deputies“absurd” and warned that cutting penalties sends the wrong message after an attempted overturning of the election result.
The bill, passed in the early hours with 291 votes in favour and 148 against, changes how Brazil calculates sentences for crimes against the democratic order.
Instead of adding full penalties for each offence, judges would start from the most serious crime and increase it only partially. Time in a closed prison regime would fall from one quarter to one sixth of the total sentence.
On paper, this is a technical adjustment. In practice, it could shrink Jair Bolsonaro's 27-year and three-month sentence to 20 years and reduce his time in a closed regime from six years and ten months to around two years and four months.
Dozens of political allies and hundreds of lesser-known defendants would benefit as well, from organisers to people who only vandalised buildings.
In the Senate, the conservative rapporteur Esperidião Amin openly defends a broad amnesty and says many penalties were“exorbitant”.
Around him, a bloc of pragmatic centrists sees an opportunity to calm tensions, reduce prison numbers and move on from the trauma of 8 January without fully endorsing the Supreme Court's hard line.
Lula's camp sees something darker: a coordinated attempt by Congress to rewrite Supreme Court decisions and protect the political elite.
PT leaders and allied movements have called protests in São Paulo and other capitals, linking opposition to the sentencing bill with anger over a separate decision to restrict Indigenous land demarcation to areas occupied in 1988.
Behind the scenes, rumours of an“acordão” swirl: parts of the political centre would help ease Bolsonaro's legal fate if his camp agrees to step back in 2026 and clear the way for other right-of-centre governors seen as more acceptable to moderate voters and markets.
For expats and foreign observers, this is not just another Brasília quarrel. It is a live test of who really sets the limits of power in Brazil: judges, elected politicians, or the voters who will soon be asked to choose again between continuity and change.
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