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Colombia's Cocaine Numbers Revolt: When Data Becomes A Political Weapon
(MENAFN- The Rio Times) The drama starts with a single number that the public was never meant to see: 3,001 tonnes of cocaine potentially produced in Colombia in 2024.
That leaked UN estimate suggests a 12.6% jump on the previous year and seems to confirm that the world's main supplier of cocaine is still expanding.
Instead of publishing the report, President Gustavo Petro's government locked it away and challenged the UN's methodology, turning a technical statistic into a diplomatic crisis.
On the surface, this is about data. The UN office that tracks coca in Colombia uses satellites to map crops and then applies yield assumptions from limited field visits.
To save money and protect staff, Colombia is split into four regions; only one is sampled on the ground each year, and the rest are extrapolated from past patterns.
In 2022 there were no field visits at all. In 2023 the most productive Pacific region was finally re-measured, helping to generate a headline-making 53% jump to 2,664 tonnes.
US Decertifies Colombia Over Cocaine Data
Those numbers landed in Washington just as Petro was promoting a softer, rights-focused drug policy and questioning old-style militarised campaigns.
The Trump administration seized on the UN series, plus record coca plantings of around 261,000 hectares, to argue that Colombia was backsliding.
For the first time in three decades, the US“decertified” Colombia in the war on drugs, threatened cooperation, and moved ahead with sanctions that personally target the Colombian president.
Petro counters that his security forces have seized more than 2,700 tonnes of cocaine since he took office in August 2022 and that the UN's“potential production” metric ignores what is actually intercepted or destroyed.
Bogotá is now negotiating a new indicator of“cocaine available on the market,” which would deduct seizures, unharvested crops and domestic consumption, and factor in flows from neighbouring countries.
This is not an abstract quarrel. These figures influence US aid, multilateral lending, investor perceptions and even how aggressively navies operate in the Caribbean and Pacific.
If the data are weak or politicised, it becomes easier to punish or excuse entire governments on the basis of a model no one fully trusts – and much harder to build a serious, results-based strategy against one of the world's most profitable illegal businesses.
That leaked UN estimate suggests a 12.6% jump on the previous year and seems to confirm that the world's main supplier of cocaine is still expanding.
Instead of publishing the report, President Gustavo Petro's government locked it away and challenged the UN's methodology, turning a technical statistic into a diplomatic crisis.
On the surface, this is about data. The UN office that tracks coca in Colombia uses satellites to map crops and then applies yield assumptions from limited field visits.
To save money and protect staff, Colombia is split into four regions; only one is sampled on the ground each year, and the rest are extrapolated from past patterns.
In 2022 there were no field visits at all. In 2023 the most productive Pacific region was finally re-measured, helping to generate a headline-making 53% jump to 2,664 tonnes.
US Decertifies Colombia Over Cocaine Data
Those numbers landed in Washington just as Petro was promoting a softer, rights-focused drug policy and questioning old-style militarised campaigns.
The Trump administration seized on the UN series, plus record coca plantings of around 261,000 hectares, to argue that Colombia was backsliding.
For the first time in three decades, the US“decertified” Colombia in the war on drugs, threatened cooperation, and moved ahead with sanctions that personally target the Colombian president.
Petro counters that his security forces have seized more than 2,700 tonnes of cocaine since he took office in August 2022 and that the UN's“potential production” metric ignores what is actually intercepted or destroyed.
Bogotá is now negotiating a new indicator of“cocaine available on the market,” which would deduct seizures, unharvested crops and domestic consumption, and factor in flows from neighbouring countries.
This is not an abstract quarrel. These figures influence US aid, multilateral lending, investor perceptions and even how aggressively navies operate in the Caribbean and Pacific.
If the data are weak or politicised, it becomes easier to punish or excuse entire governments on the basis of a model no one fully trusts – and much harder to build a serious, results-based strategy against one of the world's most profitable illegal businesses.
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