(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Brazil's latest political earthquake did not come from an election or a street protest, but from a quiet decision in the presidential residence.

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has chosen Jorge Messias, his attorney general and long-time legal ally, to fill a vacant seat on the Supreme Federal Court, the country's top court. At 45, Messias could stay there until around 2055.

For outsiders, it is crucial to understand that Brazil's Supreme Court is far more central to everyday politics than most top courts elsewhere. In many countries, parliaments and voters resolve the biggest clashes.

In Brazil, almost every major dispute ends up at the Supreme Court: corruption trials, impeachment rules, emergency powers, election rules, pandemic measures, online“fake news” cases and even decisions on whether a president or ex-president can run for office.

A single justice can suspend a flagship policy, freeze a police operation or order platforms to remove content nationwide.



In that context, who sits on the bench is not a technical detail. It is the core of the system. Messias is not just a career jurist who slowly climbed the ladder.

He spent years inside the presidential palace under Dilma Rousseff as a key legal adviser, helping design the defence strategy of Lula and the Workers' Party during impeachment battles and the huge Lava Jato anti-corruption investigations.
Lula Ally Messias Poised to Shift Brazil's Supreme Court
Those probes jailed powerful businessmen and politicians, including Lula himself, before later court decisions annulled his convictions and restored his political rights.

Throughout that period, Messias consistently argued that Lava Jato went beyond fighting graft and turned into a political project dressed up as justice.

Back in government under Lula 's third term, Messias took charge of the attorney general's office and created a special unit to defend“democracy” and combat disinformation.

Supporters say it protects institutions from coordinated online attacks. Critics see an instrument to police speech and pressure opponents.

He has backed tougher rules on social media and defended court measures that temporarily restricted X (formerly Twitter) in Brazil during high-profile clashes over content moderation.

His nomination also reshapes the internal balance of the court. If confirmed, five of the 11 current justices will have been appointed by Lula himself.

Add three more chosen by his PT successor Dilma Rousseff, and a clear majority of the bench will bear the imprint of governments from the same political field, many of them in office during the peak of Lava Jato and the recent“defense of democracy” cycle.

On paper, the Senate can still stop this. Messias must endure a tough confirmation hearing and then win a secret vote. In practice, modern Brazil has almost never rejected a Supreme Court nominee.

For expats, investors and observers abroad, the lesson is simple: elections still matter, but the deeper continuity lies in a Supreme Court being shaped now and likely to sit in judgment over Brazil's future for the next 20 to 30 years. Understanding this nomination means understanding where real power increasingly resides.

For observers, the message is simple: Brazil's elections will still matter, but the deeper continuity may come from a Supreme Court shaped today and sitting in judgment for the next 20 to 30 years. Understanding this nomination means understanding where real power is likely to sit in Brazil's future.

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