(MENAFN- The Rio Times) Just weeks before Chile's pivotal presidential election, the race has been upended by an unlikely force: Johannes Kaiser, a brash libertarian whose meteoric rise to third place in the polls has rattled the establishment and exposed the fractures in the country's conservative movement.

With 15.6% support, the 49-year-old former YouTuber and congressman now threatens to eclipse traditional right-wing figures, offering voters a radical alternative to both the left's socialist platform and the cautious conservatism of his rivals.

Kaiser's appeal lies in his unapologetic extremism. A self-made outsider who dropped out of law school and built a following railing against progressive policies, he has tapped into deep public frustration over crime, uncontrolled immigration, and economic stagnation.

His promises-closing borders, slashing government ministries, and withdrawing Chile from global agreements on climate and human rights-resonate with a growing bloc of disillusioned Chileans, particularly men over 45 who feel abandoned by mainstream politics.

His surge mirrors the insurgent energy of Argentina's Javier Milei, though Kaiser rejects the comparison, insisting his vision is uniquely Chilean: a minimalist state, ironclad security, and a return to what he calls“common sense” values.



At the heart of his campaign is a rejection of the status quo. Kaiser vows to shrink the state from 25 ministries to nine, eliminate“ideological” agencies like the Ministry of Women, and roll back what he derides as leftist overreach in education and social policy.

He has pledged to pull Chile out of the Paris Climate Accord, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and the UN 's Agenda 2030, framing these as threats to national sovereignty.
Kaiser's hardline rhetoric reshapes Chile's conservative landscape
On immigration, his rhetoric is blunt: deportations, military patrols, and a closed border with Bolivia, a stance that has drawn rebukes from neighboring governments but energized his base.

Unlike his more measured rival, José Antonio Kast, Kaiser embraces controversy. He openly admires Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, suggesting he would support another coup“without doubt” if conditions warranted it.

His opposition to abortion-even in cases of rape-and his dismissal of“gender ideology” as a tool of mental control have cemented his reputation as the right's most uncompromising voice.

While Kast has softened his stance on social issues to broaden his appeal, Kaiser doubles down, positioning himself as the only candidate willing to wage a cultural war against what he calls the left's“control of the new generations.”

His rise has forced Chile 's conservative forces to confront an uncomfortable truth: their traditional playbook is losing traction.

Evelyn Matthei, the standard-bearer of the center-right, now trails Kaiser in the polls, her decades of political experience overshadowed by his insurgent energy.

Even Kast, a three-time presidential candidate, has seen his support erode as Kaiser siphons off voters hungry for bolder action.

Yet Kaiser's provocations come with risks. His proposals-like reviving Pinochet-era megaprojects or aligning with El Salvador's hardline president, Nayib Bukele-could isolate Chile diplomatically and deepen internal divisions.

Critics warn his plans to dismantle environmental and social protections would reverse decades of progress, but his supporters see him as the only leader willing to break the cycle of crime, corruption, and economic decline.

As Chile prepares to vote, Kaiser's campaign has already achieved something remarkable: it has shifted the Overton window, pulling the entire political spectrum to the right. Whether he wins or not, his influence is undeniable.

For a country weary of leftist governance and half-measures from the right, Kaiser offers a clear, if polarizing, choice. The question now is whether Chileans are ready to embrace his vision-or if his rise is merely a protest against a system they no longer trust. One thing is certain: the old rules of Chilean politics no longer apply.

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