In Nepal, It Is The Total Revolution By Generation Z Against Old Order - Arabian Post

(MENAFN- The Arabian Post)

By Nitya Chakraborty

The two day uprising in Nepal on September 8 and 9 resulting in the ouster of the KPS Oli government following the attacks and burning of the Parliament Building, Supreme Court and the official and private residences of the present and former powerful ministers, was an expression of total revolt by the generation Z in this Himalayan neighbour country of India against the established political system and its symbols in the country's executive, legislature and judiciary.

The uprising in Nepal by the young is different in many respects from the August 2024 developments in Bangladesh and 2022 students revolt in Sri Lanka. In Nepal, it took a mass character in just two days, the trigger being the killing of 19 demonstrators by the police on the first day itself. The death toll has by now reached 25. Further, the anger of the students were of a violent nature burning the offices of all established political parties including the three communist parties and the Nepali Congress. Significantly, in Nepal, both in Kathmandu and the two/three other cities, the school students took part in a big way, especially the girls, many of them belonging to the elite families.

That way, the revolt in Nepal is the revolt of the Instagram, Facebook generation who are completely in a different mindset compared to the ruling elite including the communists. Both the communist parties of Nepal have a strong students organization but they were completely neutralized in the latest uprising as the generation Z revolted as a whole against the official ban on the 26 social media platforms. In fact this ban was the prime reason for the revolt as the generation Z in Nepal are totally enmeshed in their social media life and any interference by the elders in the family or the government, they are not in a mood to tolerate.

The issue of corruption and unemployment came to the focus later when the killing of the movement participants gave a completely new dimension to the revolt by turning it into a movement against the government and the political system as a whole. That was why on the second day on September 9, many seniors joined and the generation Z movement took the character of a national movement. Out of the 2.96 crore population of Nepal, 1.17 crore are below 35 and the age group of 15-24 has 57.6 lakh. This group grew up with insta and facebook and they are the main drivers of the September uprising in Nepal.

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If we look at the turbulent politics and economy of Nepal in the last ten years, it will be seen that Nepal has not done too bad in terms of its economic development. Its growth rate has been at the level of 6 per cent in 2025. Though one in five young persons is unemployed, this unemployment issue did never emerge as a big one. Nepalese youth always look for jobs outside. On an average 4 lakh Nepalese leave for jobs outside every year. Similarly, Nepal gets huge remittances from outside and that along with earnings from tourism help the economic growth of the country.

According to World Bank data, Nepal's fiscal indicators are thriving. It remains the country that pays the highest duties on vehicles, similar to Singapore, and has the highest tax-to-gross domestic product (GDP) ratio in South Asia. Social indicators have dramatically improved, with life expectancy moving from 54.77 years in 1990 to nearly 72 years in 2024. Primary school enrolment is close to a hundred per cent, and the literacy rate has increased from 59 per cent in 2000 to 76 per cent in 2024. Poverty has reduced from 25.16 per cent in 2011 to 20.27 per cent in 2023 as per the Nepal Living Standard Survey 2022/23. Remarkably, 81 per cent of Nepalis live in their own homes, and four out of five Nepali families have at least someone working or living abroad. The population has increased by 10 million between 1991 and 2021 – a 50-per cent increase in over three decades.

But the political management of the country has come under sharp criticism in the last ten years of rule by the established political parties in Nepal. In this period, the ruling power was limited to three/four political leaders and their families and friends prospered giving the impression of all round corruption. Among the school students, the nepokids discussion became common. The September movement by the school students was also a sort of expression of their wrath against the nepo kids meaning the children of the ruling families.

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Three familiar political leaders – K P Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' and Sher Bahadur Deuba – have been playing the game of musical chairs. Oli of the Communist Party (CPN) of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) has been able to stay at the helm, splitting and uniting the communist parties. He has become prime minister for the third time at the age of 72 years. He has managed to sideline his two key opponents within his party by pushing them to split and forming a new party. He continues to expel people who confront him.

Dahal 'Prachanda' rose to prominence leading a violent insurgency. He became prime minister for the first time in 2008, winning the highest number of seats for the CPN (Maoist Centre) in the constituent assembly. He became prime minister twice after that. The 70-year-old Dahal has been part of different coalitions and is accused of proliferating his family's involvement in a dynastic manner. He is a big manipulator and manages to stay at the top.

Deuba, the oldest of the trio, is 79 years. He has become the prime minister five times. A shrewd politician, he knows how to look after his family's interests. He split with the Nepali Congress to start his faction and then reunited to lead the party since 2016. He pushed his opponent, Ram Chandra Paudel, to become the President and kept the Koirala clan at bay by playing different family factions against one another. He has no political scruples. He can align with anyone to get the highest position.

The turmoil in Nepal is still on. The Nepalese army chief and also the President of the country are trying to ease tensions and hold negotiations with the student agitators. The demonstrators have no ready programme. They are only talking of fight against corruption and the political parties. Next few days will show how the next course of politics moves in Nepal. Much will depend on the negotiating capability of the army chief and the President. The leading politicians have lost the trust of the students as also the people. (IPA Service )

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