The Anka‐S platform , with its 24–30 hours of endurance, encrypted satellite communications, synthetic aperture radar, EO/IR cameras, ground-moving target indicators (GMTI), and Identification Friend or Foe (IFF) systems, provides a vital capability in monitoring activity across Malaysia's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) without compromising our diplomatic equilibrium.

It is also essential to note that these drones are unarmed. They are surveillance platforms, not strike systems. Malaysia is not militarizing its maritime space; it is strengthening maritime situational awareness in a region with complex and overlapping claims, illegal fishing, piracy, and growing commercial activity.

The message is straightforward: Malaysia is watching-not menacing. Malaysia is asserting its rights, not staking new claims.

More than a defense acquisition, the Anka‐S symbolizes a maturing partnership between Malaysia and Turkey. As a and NATO's second-largest military force, Turkey stands at a unique intersection of East and West.

It maintains a robust relationship with both the United States and China and has earned a reputation for pursuing independent diplomacy.

Turkey's strategic balance , reflected in its engagement with Russia, Europe, and the Muslim world, resonates with ASEAN's own non-aligned but active diplomacy . In many ways, Türkiye is a mirror of Malaysia's geopolitical posture: firm in its sovereignty, flexible in its partnerships.

Turkey's defense industry also offers something often missing in dealings with traditional great powers-mutual respect and shared technological growth. The Anka‐S is a product of indigenous Turkish development, allowing greater room for customization, training, and potential co-production .

In Malaysia's case, the infrastructure and training for the drones are being carried out in collaboration with local firm G7 Aerospace , enabling knowledge transfer and economic spillover benefits.

Future upgrades, including weaponization (if Malaysia ever chooses that path), can be managed with full transparency and independence.

So why Turkey and why now? The answer lies in both regional and global dynamics. ASEAN member states are becoming increasingly cautious in navigating the intensifying US-China rivalry.

On one hand, the United States has urged allies and partners in Asia to increase defense spending and adopt its Indo-Pacific strategy, often with veiled suggestions of containment. On the other, China has expanded its military and coast guard presence in regional waters, testing the boundaries of maritime diplomacy.

Yet Malaysia remains steadfastly neutral committed to peace, but not pacifism. The selection of Turkey is a clear signal that Malaysia can strengthen its defence posture without falling into the orbit of either superpower.

The Anka‐S is not part of any military bloc or encirclement agenda. It is a tool of sovereign surveillance, rooted in international law and national interest.

Türkiye also offers strategic reliability without overreach. It has forged strong defence ties with both NATO and non-NATO countries , including Pakistan, Qatar, and Indonesia.

Its drones, including the Anka‐S and the famed Bayraktar TB2 , have been combat-proven in multiple theatres-from Syria and Libya to Nagorno-Karabakh and Ukraine. While Malaysia is not adopting these UAVs for combat, the reliability and endurance of the Anka‐S speaks volumes about its maturity as a platform.

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Moreover, Türkiye is not just a defence provider-it is a geopolitical partner. Its increasing engagement with Southeast Asia through trade, cultural exchange, and religious diplomacy-particularly as a Muslim-majority nation -makes it a natural fit for deeper strategic relations with Malaysia and ASEAN. Its presence offers a third way for countries seeking alternatives to the binary of Washington and Beijing.

In this context, Malaysia's decision to field the Anka‐S is not merely a technical or tactical decision. It is a quiet yet profound statement of national resolve.

Malaysia seeks not to provoke, but to protect. Not to align blindly, but to cooperate wisely. We remain firm in our rights under UNCLOS, especially in defending our maritime zones-but we will continue to engage China, the United States, and all partners through dialogue and diplomacy.

Let there be no misreading: Malaysia's vision of the South China Sea is not as a flashpoint of rival empires, but as a shared space requiring shared responsibility.

With the Anka‐S circling above, Malaysia does not signal hostility-but capability. This is what sovereign agency looks like in the 21st century-eyes wide open, posture firm, diplomacy intact.

Malaysia's approach to the South China Sea is neither naive nor aggressive. It is rooted in quiet strength, strategic foresight, and a refusal to be drawn into great power theatrics.

By working with Turkey, a bridge between the Atlantic and Asia, Malaysia is building more than defense capacity-it is shaping a future where ASEAN nations assert their own narratives, on their own terms.

Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN studies, International Islamic University Malaysia. Luthfy Hamzah is senior research fellow, Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena, Kuala Lumpur.

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