How Direct Democracy Became Part Of Orbán's 'Illiberal' Toolkit In Hungary
As part of the democracy team, I report on the dynamic relationship between citizens and their institutions in Switzerland and abroad. Born in Ireland, I have a BA in European Studies and MA in International Relations. I've been at SWI swissinfo since 2017.
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In June 2025, Hungarians delivered a seemingly resounding verdict. According to the government-run“Vote 2025” exercise, 95% opposed the idea of Ukraine joining the European Union (EU). For longstanding prime minister Viktor Orbán, it was an ideal outcome. He promptly took this“strong mandate” to Brussels to bolster his efforts to block further EU support for Kyiv.
Yet on closer inspection, the mandate rested on shakier ground – it didn't emerge from a“vote” at all. Rather it came from a so-called“national consultation”, a non-binding questionnaire which experts say is less about measuring public opinion than about mobilising supporters – and which has been used as one element in Hungary's shift away from many liberal democratic principles under Orbán.
And while the government has been the main user of the tool – launching over a dozen consultations since 2010 – the opposition is also well aware of their value for campaigning. Orbán's main challenger in pivotal elections on April 12, Péter Magyar, also ran a rival consultation on Ukraine which produced a very different result – 58.2% said they were in favour of its EU candidacy.
'Illusion of direct democracy'Zoltán Pozsár-Szentmiklósy, a constitutional law professor at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, is blunt. Such consultations merely maintain an“illusion of direct democracy”, he says. In practice, they are“informal tools of political communication” designed to legitimise pre-existing agendas.
Unlike referendums, which require rules on wording, framing, and stakes in order to be fair, consultations are largely unregulated, the researcher notes. Authorities draft a question – other examples have included heated issues like terrorism or George Soros – send it to households with an official recommendation and collect responses by post or online. Participation and results are opaque, and“practically anyone” could fill out the online version, regardless of citizenship or eligibility, Pozsár-Szentmiklósy says.
External ContentAll this makes it difficult to assess the credibility of the outcome. In the Ukraine-EU case, officials reported 2.2 million responses – about a third of the electorate. But research suggests most respondents tend to be supporters of Orbán's Fidesz party; opponents and minorities often abstain. Other polls point to more nuanced views on Ukraine than the headline 95% rejection suggests. Magyar's rival questionnaire drew 1.1 million responses, but its representativeness is equally uncertain.
For Orbán, the consultations – which are rarely used elsewhere – are framed as a way to gauge and implement the popular will. In theory, this might sound promising as an experiment in deliberative democracy, especially at a time of declining trust. France's“Great National Debate”, or even local citizens' assemblies in Switzerland, are other examples of more limited experiments in this vein. In practice, however, the Hungarian version has evolved differently over the past decade,“as a plebiscitary instrument to reinvigorate [Fidesz's] position and mobilise its own supporters”, two researchers writeExternal link.
What kinds of rules and procedures are needed to make sure a referendum is fair? Find out in our explainer:
More More Global elections What it takes for a referendum to be fairThis content was published on Feb 23, 2026 Not only democracies hold referendums – semi-democratic and authoritarian states also run popular votes. Can such ballots ever be fair?
Read more: What it takes for a referendum to be
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