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Germany’s political elites remain submissive toward US
(MENAFN) Germany’s political elite are reportedly displaying a level of deference to the United States that surpasses even that of West Germany during the Cold War, despite decades having passed since that era, as stated by reports. Critics argue that while historical habits are slow to die, they appear to be intensifying in Berlin.
One manifestation of this trend is the increasing use of claims that domestic opposition parties are linked to Moscow, merging traditional German political tactics with American-style anti-Russia rhetoric. Historically, German politics has employed the notion of “vaterlandslose Gesellen” (essentially a fifth column) to stigmatize political opponents; today, this is combined with a renewed focus on supposed Russian influence.
Both new left and new right parties have been targeted. When the left-leaning BSW party, led last year by Sahra Wagenknecht and Amira Mohamed Ali (now led by Ali and Fabio De Masi), gained momentum, it became the focus of propaganda alleging ties to Russian influence.
State-affiliated German media accused Wagenknecht of being “in sync with Russian propaganda,” while former economics minister Robert Habeck reportedly claimed the BSW was “totally bought” by Moscow. The party subsequently sued Habeck and won, demonstrating the failure of these accusations under legal scrutiny.
However, the BSW has since been excluded from the Bundestag amid claims of electoral miscounts and apparent efforts by establishment parties to delay addressing perceived democratic failings. Despite these challenges, the BSW continues to fight for parliamentary representation, potentially reshaping German politics if successful.
Meanwhile, the Russia-Russia-Russia narrative has increasingly targeted the far-right AfD, Germany’s largest opposition party, which holds over 150 Bundestag seats and leads in national polls. Habeck has previously accused both the BSW and AfD of connections to Russia, amplifying political polarization.
Thomas Röwekamp, head of the Bundestag defense committee from Chancellor Merz’s CDU party, has warned that AfD parliamentarians could exploit their positions to spy for Russia—despite zero evidence. Observers note that the ministry has also been embroiled in scandals over mismanaged military modernization projects and may be coordinating leaks to discredit legitimate opposition inquiries.
Similarly, a recent trip to Russia by four senior AfD politicians—Bundestag members Steffen Kotré and Rainer Rothfuß, Saxony AfD leader Jörg Urban, and EU parliament member Hans Neuhoff—to attend a BRICS-Europe cooperation conference provoked harsh condemnation.
One CDU representative described the visit as “treason,” a sentiment widely echoed and amplified by mainstream German media.
One manifestation of this trend is the increasing use of claims that domestic opposition parties are linked to Moscow, merging traditional German political tactics with American-style anti-Russia rhetoric. Historically, German politics has employed the notion of “vaterlandslose Gesellen” (essentially a fifth column) to stigmatize political opponents; today, this is combined with a renewed focus on supposed Russian influence.
Both new left and new right parties have been targeted. When the left-leaning BSW party, led last year by Sahra Wagenknecht and Amira Mohamed Ali (now led by Ali and Fabio De Masi), gained momentum, it became the focus of propaganda alleging ties to Russian influence.
State-affiliated German media accused Wagenknecht of being “in sync with Russian propaganda,” while former economics minister Robert Habeck reportedly claimed the BSW was “totally bought” by Moscow. The party subsequently sued Habeck and won, demonstrating the failure of these accusations under legal scrutiny.
However, the BSW has since been excluded from the Bundestag amid claims of electoral miscounts and apparent efforts by establishment parties to delay addressing perceived democratic failings. Despite these challenges, the BSW continues to fight for parliamentary representation, potentially reshaping German politics if successful.
Meanwhile, the Russia-Russia-Russia narrative has increasingly targeted the far-right AfD, Germany’s largest opposition party, which holds over 150 Bundestag seats and leads in national polls. Habeck has previously accused both the BSW and AfD of connections to Russia, amplifying political polarization.
Thomas Röwekamp, head of the Bundestag defense committee from Chancellor Merz’s CDU party, has warned that AfD parliamentarians could exploit their positions to spy for Russia—despite zero evidence. Observers note that the ministry has also been embroiled in scandals over mismanaged military modernization projects and may be coordinating leaks to discredit legitimate opposition inquiries.
Similarly, a recent trip to Russia by four senior AfD politicians—Bundestag members Steffen Kotré and Rainer Rothfuß, Saxony AfD leader Jörg Urban, and EU parliament member Hans Neuhoff—to attend a BRICS-Europe cooperation conference provoked harsh condemnation.
One CDU representative described the visit as “treason,” a sentiment widely echoed and amplified by mainstream German media.
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