Is Taiwan Doing Enough To Repel A Chinese Invasion?
For the first time, the annual national exercise combined ten days of live-fire combat training with a full-society readiness push . Civilians across all 22 counties and cities practiced air raid response, medical supply distribution, food rationing and emergency communications.
On the military side, Taiwan deployed new US-supplied weapons including M1A2T Abrams tanks, HIMARS rocket artillery and upgraded coastal defense missiles. Drones, cyberattacks and joint command systems were tested more seriously than in previous years.
This time, the preparation also moved into real-world spaces-Taipei Metro stations, morning markets and major intersections -bringing the public closer to the actual scenarios Taiwan could face. The simulation was no longer abstract; it was physical, visible and local. The political message was clear: Taiwan is preparing as if conflict could be real, and soon.
Still, Han Kuang only covers the end game-what happens if China launches a full attack? It leaves a major gap at the beginning of the conflict. What happens when the threat is not missiles, but cyberattacks, disinformation, cable sabotage, or energy disruption? Taiwan is practicing for total war, but the grey zone is already here.
This article examines what that preparation means. Is Taiwan able to hold the line alone before allies arrive? Is the public truly ready? What is the United States signaling through its support-and is it enough? Are Taiwan's regional partners building a defense that matches the threat? And finally, what must be done now, while there is still time to act?
Domestic reaction, political messagingTaiwanese society has not always viewed Han Kuang with urgency . In the 1990s and early 2000s, it was widely seen as symbolic-just a routine show of weapons, disconnected from any real threat. During calmer periods such as the Ma Ying-jeou presidency , the event was often criticized as out of sync with public sentiment, more about appearances than substance.
The 2025 iteration felt different. Facing near-daily Chinese military pressure, the exercise received stronger support from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). President Lai Ching-te declared July as“National Unity Month ,” framing public participation as a democratic responsibility. DPP officials used the moment to send a message to both Beijing and Washington: Taiwan is not just waiting-it is actively preparing.
The opposition Kuomintang (KMT), however, raised concerns. While not opposing the exercise outright, KMT lawmakers argued it lacked real coordination with allies and risked giving the public false confidence. Their position reflected a broader divide-between those promoting political resolve and those questioning its depth.
Public opinion reflects this tension. About 67.8% of respondents say they are willing to fight for Taiwan , and 51% support increasing the defense budget -the first time that figure has passed 50%. Yet only 14% express strong confidence in the military's ability to fight effectively. The desire to be ready is growing, but belief in actual readiness remains limited.
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