Jordanian Columnists Address Regional War Risks And National Unity Following Karak Church Attack

(MENAFN- Amman Net) Jordanian newspaper columnists have examined a series of pressing political, security and domestic issues, focusing on the possibility of a wider regional war, the implications of Israel's election results for Palestinians, and the social and political repercussions of the terrorist attack on the church in the village of Hamoud in Karak.

In their latest articles, published on Saturday, October 31, and Sunday, November 1, the writers also addressed Jordanian-Syrian security cooperation, the resilience of Jordanian society, and concerns over online disinformation and hate speech following the attack.

Maher Abu Tair: The region is heading towards two interconnected wars

In his article, "Not One War, But Two", columnist Maher Abu Tair warned that the Middle East could be heading towards a major military confrontation, regardless of the outcome of Israel's political contest or the identity of its next government.

Abu Tair argued that replacing Benjamin Netanyahu with opposition figures such as Gadi Eisenkot would not necessarily bring about a fundamental shift in Israeli policy. He pointed out that Eisenkot himself had served as Israeli army chief of staff and as a member of the war cabinet during the early months of the Gaza war.

The writer maintained that both Netanyahu and Eisenkot belong to the same Israeli political and military establishment, and that a change in leadership should not be mistaken for a change in strategic objectives. He argued that a new government would not necessarily withdraw Israeli forces from Syria, Lebanon, Gaza or the occupied West Bank, halt military operations against Yemen, Iran and Iraq, or accept the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Abu Tair also highlighted the possibility of a wider confrontation involving multiple regional and international actors, particularly if developments in the Middle East coincide with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war.

He warned that the presence of armed groups and dormant cells across several countries could transform a conventional military confrontation into a broader security crisis, triggering internal instability and cross-border violence.

His central argument was that the region could face two simultaneous and interconnected conflicts: a direct military war and a second conflict involving domestic instability, political polarisation and disorder within individual countries.

Hussein al-Rawashdeh: The Karak attack revealed Jordan's social strength

Columnist Hussein al-Rawashdeh focused on the national response to the terrorist attack on the church in Hamoud, Karak, in his article "This Is Our Social Capital When Crises Strike".

He argued that the tragedy exposed the depth of solidarity among Jordanians and demonstrated the strength of the country's social fabric, particularly the values of coexistence, compassion and national belonging.

Al-Rawashdeh wrote that the scale of the tragedy left Jordanians struggling to find words, but the public response was characterised by shared grief and solidarity. He said the attack also raised difficult questions about its causes and what needed to be done to prevent similar incidents.

He described the public reaction as an important test of Jordan's national and social capital, arguing that Jordanians demonstrated their commitment to coexistence and rejected attempts to divide society along ideological or political lines.

The writer warned against attempts by political movements to appropriate religion and regional causes for their own agendas, arguing that some groups had used these issues to undermine confidence in state institutions, the law and citizenship.

He stressed that Jordan's social cohesion should be translated into a more active role across public institutions and different sectors of society. Respecting citizens' dignity, abilities and national contributions, he argued, remains essential to protecting the country during periods of crisis.

Hamada Fraiha: Israeli election results reveal a shift in Palestinian voting patterns

In the second instalment of his article "The Results of the Settler Elections", columnist Hamada Fraiha examined Israel's election results and their implications for the balance of political power inside the Knesset.

Fraiha noted that Benjamin Netanyahu failed to secure the 61 seats required to form a government, but argued that he had not suffered a definitive electoral defeat either. The Likud party secured 26 seats, while Netanyahu's bloc obtained 53. The opposition camp led by Gadi Eisenkot secured 48 seats, while the two Arab lists won a combined 19 seats.

He identified the increased Palestinian voter turnout and the unprecedented electoral performance of Arab parties as among the most significant developments.

According to Fraiha, the results reflected growing concern among Palestinian citizens of Israel over the policies of the far-right government led by Netanyahu, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, particularly regarding political rights, citizenship and living conditions.

The writer also highlighted a shift in Palestinian voting behaviour, with a growing number of voters choosing Arab political parties rather than supporting Zionist parties, as had happened in previous decades.

He described this development as an effort to strengthen independent Palestinian political representation within Israel's political institutions.

Fraiha also recalled previous instances in which Israeli governments relied on Arab parliamentary support, including the government of Yitzhak Rabin in 1992 and Naftali Bennett's government in 2021.

He suggested that a similar scenario could emerge if Eisenkot and Yair Lapid seek Arab political support to secure a parliamentary majority.

Fraiha argued that the increased Palestinian participation carried a political message about the determination of Palestinian citizens to defend their rights, maintain their presence and participate in shaping Israel's political future, without accepting the occupation or abandoning Palestinian national rights.

Sameh al-Mahareeq: Southern Syria is a strategic investment for Jordan and Syria

In his article "Southern Syria: A Strategic Investment for Jordan and Syria", columnist Sameh al-Mahareeq examined security cooperation between Amman and Damascus, arguing that coordination in southern Syria serves broader strategic interests for both countries.

He said Jordanian-Syrian cooperation has focused on combating terrorism and arms and drug smuggling, amid the complicated security situation in Syria and Israeli attempts to exploit internal instability to expand its presence inside Syrian territory.

Al-Mahareeq highlighted the strategic importance of Daraa province, describing it as a vital geographical link between Amman and Damascus, particularly following tensions in Sweida and the challenges facing the Syrian government in restoring stability across the country.

He noted that Jordan has accumulated extensive security experience and intelligence concerning southern Syria through years of monitoring developments along its northern border. This experience, he argued, makes Jordan an important partner for the new Syrian authorities, which are dealing with complex security and political challenges in several parts of the country.

The writer maintained that stability in southern Syria serves the interests of both governments. For Damascus, it would help restore sovereignty, create conditions for reconstruction and support economic recovery. For Amman, it would reduce the security burden along its northern border and help contain smuggling networks and extremist groups.

Al-Mahareeq called for moving beyond immediate security coordination towards a long-term strategy with clear priorities and mechanisms for assessing progress. He also highlighted the importance of expanding cooperation in trade and water management, describing stability in southern Syria as a shared strategic interest.

Nadine al-Nimri: Who shapes public opinion after the terrorist attack on Hamoud church?

Columnist Nadine al-Nimri examined the online debate following the attack on the church in Hamoud in her article "The Terrorist Attack on Hamoud Church: Who Shapes Public Opinion?".

Drawing on her experience in investigative journalism, al-Nimri questioned the nature of the discussions taking place on social media and the shift in online discourse in the days following the attack.

She said the first two days were marked by widespread solidarity and national unity in Jordanian online discussions. However, some accounts subsequently began pushing the debate towards polarising arguments, moving attention away from the human and national dimensions of the tragedy.

Al-Nimri said she had observed newly created accounts using pseudonyms, profiles apparently generated through artificial intelligence, and accounts belonging to individuals outside Jordan who were participating in discussions about a local incident.

She cautioned that these indicators alone were insufficient to establish that the accounts were fake or operating under organised direction. However, she argued that they raised important questions about whether the online debate genuinely reflected the views of Jordanian society.

The columnist referred to a study by Analyseize titled "The Loud Minority: How Jordanians Interact Online", published before the attack. The study found that only 20 per cent of social media users who engage with online discussions express their opinions through comments, while 51 per cent interact silently and 29 per cent do not engage at all.

She also cited a study by the Politics and Society Institute examining media coverage and digital engagement between October 23 and 26, 2026. According to the study, the incident generated more than 10 million interactions over four days, while the volume of related posts rose from approximately 300 per hour to nearly 10,000 per hour at the peak of online attention.

The report also found that discussions extended across more than ten languages. Approximately 38 per cent of the Spanish-language content whose accounts' locations could be identified originated from accounts listing Israel as their location.

Al-Nimri contrasted Jordanian coverage, which largely emphasised national unity and Muslim-Christian solidarity, with some content circulated outside the country that reframed the incident through different religious and political narratives.

She called for improvements in Jordanian media responses to major incidents, particularly faster publication of verified information, stronger efforts to counter misinformation and a greater presence of Jordanian narratives in multiple languages.

She also argued that combating hate speech requires more than monitoring fake accounts or attributing online polarisation to external interference. It requires a deeper understanding of the social and ideological factors that lead some young people to adopt exclusionary views.

Al-Nimri concluded by calling for a national prevention programme targeting young people and adolescents, with a focus on critical thinking, media literacy, verification of information and respect for diversity and freedom of expression.

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