(MENAFN- The Conversation) Ireland will elect a new president on October 24. But not all Irish people will get to vote. Residents of Northern Ireland are not eligible. A Northern Irish candidate can stand in the election – indeed, the Belfast-born Mary McAleese served as president from 1997-2011 – but not vote for themselves, unless they live in the Republic.

This time, one of the two remaining candidates in the race is an Ulster Protestant. Heather Humphreys is a Presbyterian from county Monaghan – one of three Ulster counties that were not included in the formation of Northern Ireland. She is, therefore, a“northerner” – albeit not from Northern Ireland .

Humphreys has sought to use this dualism – being“of Ulster”, but also“of the Irish republic” – to suggest that she understands both political traditions on the island, Ulster unionist and Irish nationalist. But this pitch, and more specifically Humphreys's religious heritage, have also been turned against her.

Humphreys is standing for Fine Gael, a centre-right Irish party which is part of the current coalition government in Dublin. Jim Gavin, representing Fianna Fáil, the other centrist party in the coalition, was forced to withdraw from the race over a controversy involving his personal financial dealings. This has left Humphreys facing just Catherine Connolly, an independent candidate but former Labour party member who is backed by most of the left-leaning parties in Ireland.

Humphreys describes herself as a republican, but also acknowledges her unionist heritage. Her grandfather signed the Ulster Covenant in 1912. This pledge – signed by thousands of other Ulster Protestants, some in their own blood – committed them to use “all means which may be found necessary” to resist Irish independence.

A Humphreys victory would not entirely be a first, however. Indeed, the very first president of Ireland, Douglas Hyde, was Protestant. He was also the perfect candidate to inaugurate the office, which is largely ceremonial, but symbolically powerful.

A poet and eminent scholar, Hyde was apolitical, and yet had played a crucial role in the“de-Anglicisation” of Ireland – the effort to revive Irish culture, and particularly the native language, corroded by centuries of British rule.

Having a Protestant as its first president also provided a riposte to those who claimed that independent Ireland was a confessional state. The Catholic church was immensely powerful, but Hyde's presidency suggested an intention to uphold the non-sectarian ideology of republicanism first articulated by Wolfe Tone – one of the many Protestant leaders celebrated in the story of Irish nationalism.

Humphreys has also played a part in this story. In 2016, she was the government minister in charge of the centenary celebrations of the Easter rising – a rebellion against British rule that sparked a renewed struggle for independence, culminating in the establishment of the Irish state in 1921.

The centenary celebrations had the potential to reopen old wounds. But as an Ulster Protestant, Humphreys could claim to understand unionists' sensitivities, and her handling of the celebrations was broadly deemed a success.

The place of religion in modern Ireland

The last major symbol of Catholic power in Ireland was toppled when voters chose to end the constitutional ban on abortion in 2018 . A referendum allowing gay marriage had passed three years earlier, and liberals celebrated what they could now claim was truly the secular republic imagined by Tone. So why has Humphreys's religion become a point of controversy?

In truth, the question has been raised indirectly, but no less powerfully, by journalists revealing that her husband was previously a member of the Orange Order. This institution is more associated with Northern Ireland and sectarian conflict there.

There are members among the small number of Protestants in the Irish republic, but the Orange Order is quite different in character there, primarily providing a means of association amongst a minority community , and with none of the triumphalist, provocative marching witnessed in Northern Ireland.

Nonetheless, some people in the republic will associate the Orange Order with sectarianism. They may also feel it is fair game to raise this link to a presidential candidate who has suggested that her heritage would allow her to build bridges with unionists.

Such an attribute might be particularly valuable at a time when, post-Brexit, debate on the possibility of a united Ireland has become far more common . This obviously excites Irish nationalists, but has produced paralysing anxiety for many unionists.

Humphreys in a TV appearance with independent candidate Catherine Connolly and Fianna Fail candidate Jim Gavin before he left the race. Alamy/Conor O'Mearain

And some will see a more malicious intent in raising Humphreys's link to the Orange Order – a coded questioning of her loyalty to the nationalist tradition in Ireland. There is danger in this. The Northern Ireland Troubles regularly spilled over the border, with Humphreys's own county particularly affected.

The violence of the Troubles has thankfully ended. But sectarianism has not – and nor is it limited to Northern Ireland.

Whatever the constitutional future of the island, and whatever the outcome of the Irish presidential election, all who hold political power, and all who contribute to public debate, need to be mindful of their words – and the complexity of their history. And southern commentators particularly should remember that there is a reason that the Irish flag includes orange as well as green.

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