Xi Running 'The Art Of War' Circles Around Trump

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Domestically , his second-term agenda has fueled accusations of democratic backsliding, sparked nationwide protests, and deepened political polarization-undermining the values that once gave the United States moral authority.

Abroad,“America First” has often meant pulling America out: quitting the Paris Climate Accord , walking away from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization , threatening NATO partners, cutting foreign aid , and slapping tariffs on allies as if they were adversaries.

Each move chipped away at US soft power and left friends questioning whether Washington could still be counted on.

Beijing has wasted no time exploiting the opening. Through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization , BRICS and the Belt and Road Initiative , China has positioned itself as a“responsible major power” on trade, climate, and development. Since Trump's return to office, global surveys show China's image improving while America's has slid.

Worse, Trump's rhetoric and moves on flashpoint issues-from the Russia–Ukraine war to the Panama Canal to Greenland -have openly defied the postwar norms of territorial sovereignty.

The backlash has been swift, feeding China's propaganda machine and reinforcing its narratives about“US hegemony” and“unjust alliances .” In the battle over global perception, Beijing has seized the high ground.

Regaining lost ground

Against a disciplined and calculating rival, Washington cannot afford to govern by impulse or chase short-term political wins.

It needs to return to a basic rule of strategy: knowing yourself and knowing your enemy . That means taking an honest measure of both sides' strengths and weaknesses, playing to America's advantages and targeting China's vulnerabilities.

The trade war is a case study in getting that balance wrong. America's economy is acutely sensitive to election cycles, corporate lobbying, and consumer price fears-pressures Beijing's political system doesn't face. Tariffs that ignore this dynamic only give China the edge in resilience and staying power.

In technology competition, however, America still holds decisive advantages: world-class universities, a deep bench of innovative talent, and a wide network of allies.

The smarter play is to harness those strengths-building coordinated tech controls with partners rather than relying on go-it-alone tariffs. The Biden administration's“small yard, high fence” approach to semiconductors is a step in that direction.

Both systems have inherent strengths and flaws. China's authoritarian model delivers consistent long-term strategy and can absorb economic shocks, but it lags in innovation, struggles to keep top talent, and lacks anything close to America's global alliance network.

The US, by contrast, thrives on the creativity and self-correction that democracy enables-yet too often sacrifices long-term strategic goals for short-term political wins. Prevailing in this rivalry will require discipline: doubling down on America's advantages while applying steady, targeted pressure on China's weaknesses.

Striking the unprepared: Trump's strategic edge

As Sun Tzu observed,“Appear at points which the enemy must hasten to defend; march swiftly to places where you are not expected .” Donald Trump's unpredictable style in office once gave him a genuine advantage of this kind. His first term offered vivid proof.

In November 2017, Trump visited Beijing to a reception of extraordinary warmth and ceremony. Both Chinese officials and outside observers assumed the visit would help stabilize US

–China relations. Yet less than six months later, in March 2018, Trump launched an unprecedented trade war against China, catching Beijing off guard. The following month, his administration imposed sanctions and restrictions on Chinese technology giants Huawei and ZTE. This sequence of moves-swift, forceful, and unforeseen-left Beijing reeling and amounted to a strategic win for Washington at the time.