PPP's Accidental Candidate: Born-Poor Leftist Turned Conservative

In the 1980s, he became a leader of the underground, NL-aligned Seoul Labor Movement Union (Seonoryeon), disguising himself as a factory worker to unionize labor and spread Marxist-nationalist thought.

Repeatedly arrested and tortured under the authoritarian regime, Kim never betrayed his comrades – a stance that earned him deep respe ct and turned him into a symbol of militant resistance.

A 2024 newspaper article described him as a“legend of the labor movement.” He pioneered the“disguised employment” strategy – taking jobs under false identities to organize unions. Twice expelled from university and jailed multiple times, it took him 24 years and six months to graduate.

Among labor activists, Kim became a mythic figure:

• Students circulated his speeches.
• Former leftist Justice Party leader Sim Sang-jung called him“the crown prince of the activist movement,”
• Lee So-sun, mother of labor icon Jeon Tae-il, referred to him as“my son.”

Even after he became a conservative politician, Kim's actions were still driven by the same unwavering conviction that once made him a symbol of leftist resistance – only now, that conviction defines his role as a principled conservative. Several moments illustrate this enduring consistency.

On February 11, 2017, while serving as an emergency committee member of the PPP, Kim Moon-soo attended an anti-impeachment rally , declared former President Park Geun-hye“innocent” and argued that“the National Assembly that impeached her should itself be impeached and dismantled.”

On October 26, 2019, at the 40th anniversary memorial for former President Park Chung-hee, Kim delivered a eulogy , reflecting on his transformation from a student activist who opposed Park's regime to a public official paying tribute at his grave. He credited Park with laying the foundation for South Korea's rapid industrialization and modernization, calling him a visionary unmatched in global history.

During a plenary session on December 11, 2024, a Democratic Party lawmaker demanded all ministers apologize for President Yoon's declaration of martial law. Every minister complied – except Kim. He remained seated, refusing to bow.

Such moments cemented his image among conservatives as a man who stands his ground – even amid controversy and pressure.

Lee also rose from poverty, but in politics his path diverged sharply from that of Lee Moon-soo. Lee did not join the student or underground movements of the 1980s. Instead, he worked within the system as a labor attorney, building his career through technocratic proposals and populist messaging rather than ideological commitment or street-level activism.

While Kim staked his body and freedom on a cause, Lee did not march, organize or bleed for one. His career, though notable in parts, lacks Kim's historical depth and revolutionary pedigree. On activist credentials and early sacrifice, Lee simply cannot compete.

This is what makes Kim such a threat -–not just to Lee's policies, but to the personal narrative Lee has long relied on.

Lee's oft-repeated poverty story loses impact by comparison . Kim grew up with even less and, unlike Lee, has remained financially modest throughout his public career. At age 73, Kim reports assets of just 1 billion won (approximately $740,000), while the 60-year-old Lee holds over 3 billion won (around $2.2 million).

Lee's image as a“defender of democracy” fades next to Kim, the veteran of Korea's pro-democracy underground. Even Lee's tenure as Gyeonggi governor is eclipsed – Kim served two terms and earned broad bipartisan respect.

And while Lee cites his teenage factory job, Kim spent years infiltrating factories under false names to organize workers.

Kim was on the front lines of Korea's fight against authoritarianism – organizing in the shadows, enduring prison and torture, never betraying his comrades.

In short, Kim doesn't merely challenge Lee on policy. He undermines the foundation of Lee's public image, recasting the race as a contest of authenticity, sacrifice and principle.

In addition, while Kim challenges his party's establishment, Lee Jae-myung increasingly dominates his. The Democratic Party now orbits almost entirely around him, resembling a one-man party.

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On May 15, 2025, the Supreme Court found Lee guilty of election law violations and ordered a retrial. The lower court, now bound by this decision, is expected to convict him – which would disqualify Lee from running for president if the ruling is issued before the June 3 election.

In response, the Democratic Party devised an outlandish strategy – one that North Korea's Kim Jong-un would admire.

On May 7, 2025, the party unilaterally passed an amendment to the Criminal Procedure Act allowing trials to be suspended if a defendant is elected president – except in cases of acquittal or dismissal.

A fight larger than the candidates

What began as a routine campaign now feels like a reckoning. In Kim Moon-soo, Korea sees the return of a figure shaped by sacrifice, disillusioned by power yet unwilling to surrender principle. In Lee Jae-myung, voters face a consummate political survivor whose grip on his party is unmatched but whose narrative is beginning to fray.

The 2027 presidential race is no longer a referendum on populism or partisanship – it is a test of whether Korea still rewards authenticity over ambition, memory over messaging. And, for the first time in years, the outcome feels uncertain. Not because the system is breaking, but because – against all odds – it might still work.

Hanjin Lew, a political commentator specializing in East Asian affairs, is a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.

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