(MENAFN- Daily Outlook Afghanistan) Almost everywhere onelooks nowadays, the news media are in crisis. And unfortunately, although arobust free press is fundamental to a well-functioning democracy, the world'sdemocratic governments are doing too little to protect it. Media outletsworldwide are struggling to adapt their business models to the digital age,with local newspapers, in particular, collapsing en masse, owing partly to theloss of advertising revenues. Without trusted local publications, readersbecome more susceptible to false narratives and sensationalist clickbait. Ashigh-quality journalism is marginalized, political leaders around the world areable to dismiss unflattering coverage as 'fake news, and the lack of a sharedset of facts erodes trust in democracy and the rule of law.
Moreover, from Syriato Slovakia, journalists are being harassed, held hostage, unlawfully detained,and even killed for doing their jobs. Following a model perfected in Hungary,Russia, and Turkey, the dominant model of media ownership is now 'mediacapture, whereby political leaders and their wealthy cronies use news media toadvance their authoritarian designs and business interests. Without trustedmedia holding government and business to account, corruption flourishes. (Thehope that citizen watchdogs using Facebook and Twitter would pick up the slackhas been categorically dashed.)
The feeble responseto this crisis by the world's democracies reflects more a lack of politicalwill than a lack of solutions. In fact, despite its scope and complexity, thecrisis in the news media is far from intractable. And because it is fuelinggrowing threats to democracy worldwide, it represents a major strategicchallenge that deserves urgent attention and action.
One powerful leverfor addressing it is foreign and security policy. Democratic governments shouldrecognize attacks on press freedom and use measures such as diplomaticisolation, denial of visas, and direct sanctions to pressure perpetrators tomeet their obligations under international law to uphold freedom of expression.Momentum for such action may already be building. Last July, Canada and theUnited Kingdom launched a media freedom initiative, which calls on countries tosign a pledge to take cooperative action when media freedom is at risk and tochampion the cause around the world. The following month, France included theissue on the agenda of the G7 meeting in Biarritz. One hopes that this heraldsgenuine progress.
A second lever foraddressing the problem is official development assistance (ODA). Between 2010and 2015, only 0.3% of the $150 billion that the world's richest countriesspent on ODA went to addressing media freedom. That share could be increasedmeaningfully – say, to 1%, as a group of media-support organizations hasadvocated – without cutting significantly into spending in other areas.
In fact, raising ODAfor media assistance could help to advance other development goals. A mediaindustry that is captured by vested interests impedes economic reform,precludes political compromise, and undermines social cohesion – all essentialto sustainable, inclusive development. For countries struggling to build ormaintain a democratic system of governance, a robust free press isindispensable.
Sudan is nowconfronting precisely these challenges as it attempts to build a democracy inthe wake of Omar al-Bashir's 30-year dictatorship. During such fraughtpolitical transitions, newly liberated media organizations often alignthemselves with a particular party or faction, reinforcing deep and paralyzingfissures. In a country where ethnic, cultural, and religious discrimination hasfueled brutal civil wars, the risks should not be underestimated.
Yet, so far, theinternational community has done far too little to aid Sudan's mediadevelopment and reform efforts. As Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdokargued at September's United Nations General Assembly, donors must 'revisetheir priorities and support media reforms in countries like his. Theseefforts – along with building an independent judiciary, reversing the economy'sdecline, and addressing the Bashir regime's crimes – are critical to asuccessful transition, he said.
As for the killing ofjournalists? 'The new Sudan will not allow this any longer, Hamdok declared.
Among donors' newpriorities, in Sudan and elsewhere, should be helping to address the governanceweaknesses – economic, political, and institutional – that leave mediavulnerable. That means assisting governments in reforming or strengtheningmedia laws, building credible institutions, and securing political support fordemocratic media governance. Development institutions like the World Bank andthe United Nations Development Programme can help here.
Professionalmedia-development organizations also have a role to play – for example, inhelping local outlets to strengthen newsroom management and ensure highjournalistic standards. Fortunately, many highly competent organizations,operating at the national and international levels, stand ready to contribute.
Donor governmentsshould facilitate these contributions, including by using their influence todiscourage aid recipients from interfering in media-development work. Withadditional investment, they could also ensure that the work ofmedia-development organizations – such as the European Journalism Center in theNetherlands or Deutsche Welle Akademie in Germany – complements the broaderdevelopment agenda.
After World War II,the world's democracies came together to create an institutional framework thatwould underpin global peace and stability for decades to follow. To address thecurrent media crisis, a similar effort is needed, with governments, mediaorganizations, and citizens working together to fortify an essential buildingblock of democracy and human progress.
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