(MENAFN- The Conversation) The death of Robert Gabriel Mugabe (95) saw another of the first-generation leaders of newly independent southern African states leave the world stage.
Southern Africa was the last region on the continent to obtain majority rule. The independence of Zimbabwe (1980), Namibia (1990) and democracy in South Africa (1994) ended white settler minority regimes. They werereplaced in power by liberation movements . The Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu, later Zanu-PF), the South West African People's Organisation (Swapo) and the African National Congress (ANC) have been in government since then.
Mugabe's death invites a look at the succession – or lack of – in these three countries.
Despite the cultivation of heroic narratives and patriotic history, the first-generation freedom fighters who took over the state offices are not immortal.Mugabe'smale-dominated leadership structures based on liberation struggle credentials remain entrenched.
In all three countries a second struggle generation is gradually entering the higher echelons of party and state. But the 'born free' – people who were born after liberation – as well as women have hardly made significant inroads into the meritocratic, male-dominated core structures of power.
The question is how much longer the 'old men syndrome' will remain alive and kicking in the three countries, despite growing frustration among the politically powerless.
Zimbabwe
Celebrated by many as anicon of the anti-colonial struggle , Mugabe was nevertheless an autocratic ruler who overstayed his time in office. The military finally replaced him with his longtime confidante Emmerson Mnangagwa ina soft coupin November 2017.
Mnangagwa'ssideliningwas initiated by Mugabe's younger wife Grace (born in 1965, she was 40 years his junior) to hijack the succession of her husband. She led a group of Zanu-PF members, dubbed theG40(for Generation 40). The name referred to a constitutional clause that everyone above the age of 40 qualified as a presidential candidate. But, the military and security apparatus and its leadership was still firmly rooted in the struggle generation and opted for'Team Lacoste'named after 'the Crocodile', which is Mnangagwa's nickname.
This ended the political careers of the G40. So far, the 'elders' remain in charge and in firm control.
Morgan Tsvangirai (born 1952) founded theMovement for Democratic Change-Tsvangiraiin 1999. The opposition party has been denied electoral victory several timessince 2002 .
After Tsvangirai's death earlier this year the much younger Nelson Chamisa (born in 1978) won the internal partypower struggle . He challenged Mnangagwa in the elections in July last year.
Thanks mainly to rural area results, Zanu-PF recorded a landslide victory in theparliamentary elections . Mnangagwa also secured a (disputed) and much more narrow first term in office as elected head of state.
This is partly due to a continued stricter social control in rural areas. Political interaction and activities in villages can be much more easily monitored than in urban areas. But it also suggests that traditional values – such as respect for elders – remain alive. This gives the generation in power a comparative advantage over younger competitors.
Similar generational constellations also benefited the governing parties in Namibia and South Africa.
Namibia
Namibia has had three state presidentssince independence in 1990 . Sam Nujoma, co-founder of Swapo in 1960, was its president until 2007 and the country's first head of state for three terms until 2005. In May he celebrated his 90th birthday in seemingly good health. Though he remains influential, he has been less visible lately.
In a heavy-handed inner-party battle he ensured that his crown prince Hifikepunye Pohamba (born 1936) followed fortwo terms . Pohamba was succeeded by Namibia's first Prime Minister Hage Geingob (born 1941).
After aclash with Nujoma , Geingob left Namibia tohead the Global Coalition for Africain Washington. Returning to Namibia's parliament, he made a comeback under Pohamba. Reappointed as Prime Ministerin 2012 , he became state president in 2015 and party leader in 2017.
Geingob is tipped to be reelected as head of state for another five-year term in the next presidential and parliamentary electionsin November . His current Vice PresidentNangolo Mbumbais the same age. In the Swapo electoral college on 7 September he secured another top ranking on the party's candidate list for the National Assembly and will remain in the inner circle of'Team Hage' .
Five years ago the delegates, in a surprise move, ousted some of the old party cadres. But the elders remaineddominant in cabinet . This time the expected furthergenerational shift did not happen .
Party president Geingob could also fill ten secure seats on the electoral list and brought some of those seniors back, whodid not make the cut . As the head of statehe can appointanother eight non-voting members to parliament. This will allow him to retain several more of the trusted old cadres.
Despite this, Namibia's second struggle generation (those who went into exile in the mid-1970s) is gradually taking over.
South Africa
Nelson Mandela,(1918-2013)served only one term as state president. His successorsThabo MbekiandJacob Zuma(both born 1942) were recalled by the ANC and did not survive the full two terms in office.
Zuma was succeeded byCyril Ramaphosa . Born in 1952, he is ten years younger than his predecessor.
Inter-generational tensions have begun to show in South Africa. In the latest national elections young South Africans, or 'born frees', showed their disdain for the ANC's old guard and agenda by staying away from the polls as aform of protest .
This younger generation has shown its frustration with the limits to liberation. Manydismiss formal politics . Their preference is to engage in social movements or other parties.
Read more:
Study shows young South Africans have no faith in democracy and politicians
One such choice is to support Julius Malema (born 1981) and his Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) which wasfounded in 2013and appeals to a smaller pan-African segment of theyounger generation . But the party's election results remained behind its expectations and kept it in a distant third place, garneringonly 10,80% in the latest polls .
The future
For obvious reasons, the first-generation freedom fighters, who took over the state offices after liberation, continue to place a high value on seniority in age.
Younger generations of leaders and women make only limited inroads into the structures of power, and the 'born free' are not represented.
Rather, the second struggle generation is moving upward to take over, maintaining a system which leaves little room for renewal beyond the confines of individual credentials within the ranks of the former liberation movements.
The continued cultivation of a heroic narrative and patriotic history includes the internalised conception that freedom fighters never retire. Theirs is a lifelong struggle. 'A luta continua' remains alive as long as they are.
But this is a backward looking perspective, nurtured by a romanticised past. It blocks new ideas and visions by younger generations contributing to governance, which would create ownership and make them feel represented. It prevents rather than creating a common future.
Nelson Mandela
Robert Mugabe
Julius Malema
Thabo Mbeki
born frees
State capture
Joshua Nkomo
Gukurahundi
Zanu-PF
Emmerson Mnangagwa
Nelson Chamisa
Africa's strongmen
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