(MENAFN- Daily Outlook Afghanistan) The geopoliticalchessboard is back. Following a post-1989 interlude in which the direction ofhistory seemed to tilt toward a peaceful liberal international order, we nowwitness mounting great-power competition, quests for hegemony, andquasi-imperial expansion.
Russia is brazenlybreaking international law and asserting its regional influence. China isengaging in strategic competition across the board and promoting an alternativeinternational model. And the United States has chosen to defend its interestswith unilateral action and pressure.
Faced with thisviolent geopolitical awakening, Europe must take its future into its own hands.If we do not stand up to voice and defend our interests and values, theEuropean Union and its member states will become others' prey in the new global(dis)order. The time has come for Europeans collectively to build theirsovereignty in all areas where they want to be actors, rather than spectators:foreign policy and defense, economy and trade, digital technology, and environmentalsustainability.
Under the leadershipof European Council President Donald Tusk and European Commission PresidentJean-Claude Juncker, the EU has taken significant steps in this regard. We havesharpened our trade policy in response to the prospect of trade wars, and madeour economy less vulnerable to foreign takeovers of strategic assets. Inaddition, we have invested in resilience to protect critical networks andinfrastructure against cyber attacks.
Perhaps mostsurprisingly, we have taken big strides in pooling our defense efforts. Once ataboo, defense has become a political priority for the Commission. The €13billion ($14.6 billion) European Defense Fund, for example, will break newground in joint planning and the procurement of common equipment.
But Europe can, andmust, do more in this area. Outsourcing Europe's security is no longer anoption. And although increased expenditures will make us stronger, they are notenough on their own. Europe needs a plan – a political compass – and our citizensexpect one, too.
The EU's GlobalStrategy – spearheaded by Federica Mogherini, the EU High Representative forForeign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission – seta new collective level of ambition for external European action back in 2016.But now, with other global powers racing ahead, and cross-border threats, fromRiga to Nicosia, becoming increasingly common, this strategy needs to beupdated and translated into foreign policy and defense planning.
The time is thereforeripe for a Strategic Defense Review, consisting of the joint assessment of the core threatsEurope will face between now and 2030; strategic guidance about commonpriorities for the EU and its member states; and the translation of this intojoint equipment and institutional structures.
While reaffirmingNATO's core role in collective defense, this Strategic Defense Review mustdevelop Europe's capabilities and enhance our readiness for common externalaction. We need unified capabilities to face new asymmetric challenges such asterrorism; cybercrime; disinformation campaigns; and chemical, biological,radiological, and nuclear threats. Cyber, in particular, is an area where ourcivil and military capacities must be scaled up to match future challenges. Inaddition, such a review should provide guidance to the European defenseindustry as a core component of our security.
To sustain theseefforts and deliver on a renewed level of ambition, we must also build ourForeign Policy and Defense Union. EU institutions and member states form oneteam. The aim is not to erode the sovereignty of member states, but rather tomake all – and each – of us stronger.
A common foreign anddefense policy takes advantage of the diversity of intelligence services, armedforces, equipment, and combat experience, together with the different regionaloutlooks – toward Africa, the Middle East, the Western Balkans, and Europe'sEastern flank – bequeathed to them by history and geography.
Within this framework,willing and capable member states should also act as ambassadors or leadcountries in different areas. This would permit flexibility and consistency inregional formats or initiatives, and would also enable member states to usetheir influence to support both national and European interests.
In parallel, defenseshould be properly institutionalized at the EU level: a Defense Council toprovide a platform for coordination among defense ministers, an OperationsHeadquarters to plan and conduct the EU's Common Security and Defense Policy, aresponsive and efficient chain of command, and a full-fledged defense academy.
These practical stepswill help foster a common European strategic culture and make European defensean operational reality. They will also better equip the EU to engage withstrategic partners – first and foremost the United Kingdom, which will remain akey ally and strong partner after it leaves the bloc.
For too long, however,internal matters such as Brexit have monopolized European leaders' agenda atthe expense of pressing security challenges. Stability in Africa, the peaceprocess in Syria, the crisis in Libya, the Western Balkans, the EasternNeighborhood, and the Arctic also deserve more of our attention, in addition toour capacity to engage with strategic partners.
Common securitychallenges should be on the European Council's agenda every three or sixmonths. Through regular, structured discussions, leaders would addressstrategic trends and define a common course of action, using the EU's fullforeign-policy toolbox.
At the same time, theEU must wield its foreign-policy tools – diplomacy, trade, development aid, anddefense – in a more coherent manner. To meet the coming challenges of a worldin which Africa and Asia will play an ever-larger role, Europe must break outof its silos and align its external instruments. In March, for example, Tuskinitiated a discussion among EU leaders about the EU-China relationship. Thisshould be a top priority for the coming years.
But the key to asuccessful foreign policy is the power to back it up. Europe still wieldssignificant soft power, but we remain a hard-power minnow. The return ofgreat-power politics means this imbalance is no longer sustainable. Europeneeds a second leg to stand on – and our citizens expect a union that protects,that is more capable, and that is sovereign. We can achieve this only if memberstates and EU institutions join forces.
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